Sabtu, 26 Oktober 2013

Anwar Ibrahim

Anwar Ibrahim


Pakatan: Mana janji BR1M RM1,000 dulu?

Posted: 26 Oct 2013 12:33 AM PDT

Malaysiakini

Pemimpin Pakatan Rakyat menyindir Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Najib Razak berhubung pengumuman kerajaan yang bercadang menambah dan meneruskan pemberian wang Bantuan Rakyat 1Malaysia (BR1M) dalam Bajet 2014.

Ahli parlimen Kulai Teo Nie Ching dan ADUN Batu Caves Amiruddin Shari mempersoal bantuan itu kepada isi rumah berpendapatan bulanan RM3,000 dan ke bawah yang akan dinaikkan daripada RM500 kepada RM650.

Sedangkan, pada Februari lalu – sebelum pilihan raya umum ke-13 – Timbalan Perdana Menteri Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin dilapor berkata bantuan itu boleh ditambah kepada RM1,000 jika BN berjaya mempertahankan Putrajaya.

“#Bajet2014 BR1M akan menaikkan (bantuan) kepada RM650. Saya ingat dulu TPM janjikan RM1,000," kata Teo dalam tweet-nya lewat petang semalam.

Sementara Amiruddin pula berkata: “Janji ditepati! Janji BR1M RM1,000 dapat RM650,” kata beliau dalam tweet-nya.

Muhyiddin antara lain dilapor berkata BR1M akan diberi “bukan sahaja untuk kali kedua, tetapi untuk masa ketiga, keempat, kelima, atau malah selama-lamanya jika BN menang kerajaan”.

Sementara itu, berikut reaksi beberapa pemimpin Pakatan mengenai Bajet 2014 yang bertemakan “Memperteguh Ketahanan Ekonomi, Memperkasa Transformasi dan Melaksana Janji” di Parlimen petang semalam.

Ong Kian Ming, ahli parlimen DAP Serdang

Saya tidak tahu mengapa Najib fikir dengan GST akan lebih murah, tetapi saya tidak bersetuju dengan beliau.

Beliau berkata, orang ramai akan dapat kurang berbelanja kerana cukai jualan dan perkhidmatan dimansuhkan (10 dan 6 peratus). Cukai jualan dan perkhidmatan adalah untuk peratusan kecil daripada beberapa barang.

GST adalah menyeluruh. Syarikat akan mengambil peluang ini untuk meningkatkan harga barangan sekurang-kurangnya 4 peratus. Malah, saya menjangkakan harga akan meningkat.

Liew Chin Tong, ahli jawatankuasa pusat DAP

Ada lebih banyak cara lain untuk kehidupan lebih sihat (subsidi gula). Peruntukan pengangkutan awam tidak banyak.

Terdapat potensi GST akan menyebabkan kemelesetan. Ia akan mengurangkan penggunaan domestik. Anda meningkatkan pendapatan dari golongan miskin. Apabila pendapatan boleh guna mereka dikurangkan, kuasa perbelanjaan mereka akan mengurangkan.

Ekonomi kita bergantung kepada penggunaan domestik. GST akan mengurangkan permintaan, orang akan berfikir tentang apa yang perlu dibayar. Kita pada dasarnya mencukai orang yang tidak pernah bayar cukai.

Tiada semakan semula menyeluruh tentang pengangkutan awam. Jika anda mahu mengurangkan subsidi, anda mesti mempunyai sistem pengangkutan awam yang cekap. Enam peratus adalah adalah tinggi, kami menjangkakan empat peratus.

Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad, angggota jawatankuasa pusat PAS

GST bertujuan mengelak cukai berganda, Najib bohong pada rakyat. Jika cukai berkurangan bagaimana mungkin untuk tambah hasil cukai, Najib?

Turut memberi pandangan ialah Ketua Pemuda MCA, Datuk Wee Ka Siong:

Pertama sekali, RPTG (Cukai Keuntungan Harta Tanah), (memberi) kesan yang besar kepada pembangunan perumahan. Ia tidak boleh dilakukan dalam tempoh yang singkat. Ramai kaum Cina terlibat dalam pembangunan hartanah. Ia mesti dilakukan secara berperingkat-peringkat.

Saya tahu niat yang baik, tetapi anda lakukan dengan cara yang drastik, mungkin menghalang jualan harta tanah. Sebanyak 150 industri terlibat di sini. SMJK mesti diberi peruntukan tertentu.

Saya fikir GST adalah OK. Rakyat berharap persoalan mereka terjawab, mengapa kita perlu GST. Rakyat akan memahami mengapa kita perlu GST. Saya berharap tidak ada cukai dua kali.

Jumaat, 25 Oktober 2013

Anwar Ibrahim

Anwar Ibrahim


Najib unveils an ‘F’ budget: 6% GST but keeps mega projects, govt debt SOARS

Posted: 25 Oct 2013 05:04 AM PDT

Malaysia-Chronicle

As expected, Prime Minister Najib Razak announced the implementation of Goods and Services Tax, to be effective from April 1, 2015.

The GST start rate at 6% is higher than the 4% expected, although not as bad as the 7% first pitched by Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Idris Jala.

"The government will do what is right for our economy. Some measures may not be popular now, but over the medium term what is good for the economy is also good for the people," Najib said in his Budget 2014 presentation.

Horrid set of priorities: I give him an ‘F’

Nonetheless, the move will open the floodgates to public anger once Malaysians start to grapple with already fast-rising prices of everyday items.

“Horrid set of priorities, still going for mammoth mega projects, fanciful pursuits of making Malaysia a shopping haven and thoughtlessness in adopting the regressive GST without walking the talk of addressing wastages,” Nurul Izzah, the Opposition MP for Lembah Pantai, told Malaysia Chronicle.

“An overall ‘F’ for the PM. What’s more worrying is the face of future Malaysia. What more can the average Malaysian worker suffer.”

Mega projects push already high govt debt to 54.8% of GDP from 53.3%

Indeed, Malaysians and foreign investors may soon find that the 60-year-old Najib has been playing both sides of the fence.

His minders have painted a picture of an urgent need to trim the deficit and record-high government bogey, using the recent Fitch downgrade in country outlook as a bogey, so as to justify the GST implementation which is expected to raise tax revenue from April next year.

However, despite projecting higher economic growth and a 50 basis points cut in the fiscal deficit for 2014, government debt has been forecast at 54.7% of GDP or hardly budged from this year’s record-high.

"Despite collecting the significantly higher than expected revenue, the deficit for 2013 remained at RM39.3 billion. It means that almost every single sen of extra revenue collected by the Government is immediately expended, instead of contributing towards reducing our debt," MP for PJ Utara Tony Pua said in a statement.

The just released Finance Ministry’s Economic Report had forecast government debt at an unprecedented RM541.3 billion or 54.8% of the GDP this year versus RM501.6 billion or 53.3% in 2012. The legal ceiling on Malaysia’s government borrowing is 55% of GDP and this exposes the Najib administration to running foul of the limit just as the US government was forced to shut down for nearly 2 weeks earlier this month.

“This is really like sleight of hand. You say the government needs money to cut borrowings, so you introduce GST. We can argue the borrowings were in the first place unjustified, with a lot of corrupt wastage. Then now, we can see very clearly the GST is not going to be plowed back to cut debt but to allow Najib to keep financing mega projects,” Opposition MP for Batu Tian Chua told Malaysia Chronicle.

“My sense tells me we can expect GST to be raised and subsidies to be continually cut in the future. There is no sincere commitment to cut debt. What this means is soaring prices and the poor getting poorer while the richer keep getting richer.”

Higher growth, lower deficit, higher government debt

Najib had this afternoon unveiled total budget of RM264.2 billion for 2014. Operation expenditure was estimated at RM217.7 billion and development expenditure at RM46.5 billion versus revenue of 224.1 billion.

He projected a lower fiscal deficit of 3.5% of GDP in 2014. This compares against the 2013 target of 4%, which most analysts already expect him to miss.

There will also be a RM7.3 billion cut in the subsidies budget from RM46.7 billion in 2013 to RM39.4 billion in 2014. Ultimately, this will translate into high prices for consumers as the government will be subsidizing less of their costs.

“Why is the Government asking ordinary Malaysians to tighten their belts and suffer higher prices, but the Government chooses to continue with its big spending ways. The subsidy cuts aren’t going toward reducing our debt or deficit, instead it is just providing more funds for the Government to go shopping,” said Tony.

While the government insists that GST was necessary to expand Malaysia's narrow tax base, which has been limited as only 10 percent of the workforce pay income tax, critics say that real wages have not risen and in fact have turned negative for many due to runaway property prices.

The GST will replace the Sales and Services Tax. Items to be exempted from GST are rice, sugar, salt, flour, cooking oil, dhal, chilli, herbs, salted fish, cincalok, budu, belacan, pipe water, electricity (for domestic use), government services, public transport (bus, LRT, ferry, toll) sales and purchase of property or rental of property.

Mega projects

Among the mega projects announced in Budget 2014 are the 316km West Coast Expressway from Banting to Taiping, the double-tracking projects from Ipoh to Padang Besar and later from Gemas to Johor Bahru.

RM700 million will also be allocated to build new air traffic control and management system at KLIA. This is to replace the existing one in Subang.  RM312 million will be spent to upgrade Kota Kinabalu, Sandakan, Miri, Sibu and Mukah airports, additional upgrade of terminals in Langkawi International Airport and Kuantan Airport.

The services sector blueprint will also be launched next year, while the logistics sector master plan and national aviation policy will also be formulated. - Malaysia Chronicle

Further details of the Budget 2014 are listed below:

Total budget: RM264.2 billion

Operation expenditure: RM217.7 billion
Development expenditure: RM46.5 billion

GDP growth 

2014: 4.5% – 5.5%
2013: 4.5% – 5.5%
2012: 4.5% – 5.0%

Revenue 

2014: RM224.1 bil
2013: RM220.1 bil
2012: RM206.2 bil

Deficit

2014: 3.5% of GDP
2013: 4.0%
2012: 4.5%

Domestic economic prospects

  • Net foreign direct investment was higher at RM18.2 billion in the first half of 2013 compared with RM15.9 billion during the same period in 2012.
  • International reserves remained strong at RM444.9 billion at Oct 14, sufficient to finance 9.7 months of retained imports and 3.9 times the short-term external debt.
  • For entire 2013, domestic economy expected to expand 4.5% – 5%. Growth supported by private investment, increasing 16.2% to estimated RM165 billion.
  • Private and public consumption expected to grow 7.4% and 7.3% respectively
  • Domestic economy projected to grow at a stronger pace of 5% to 5.5%. Growth to be driven by private investment at 12.7%, and private consumption 6.2%.
  • Exports of goods expected to grow 2.5% over improving external demand. On the supply side, construction sector expected to grow 9.6%, services sector at 5.7%.
  • Unemployment rate estimated at 3.1%, inflation rate to remain low between 2% and 3%.
  • Per capita income for 2014 expected to reach RM34,126. Plans to achieve the target per capita income of RM46,500 in and even “achieve developed nation status much earlier than 2020″.

Goods and Services Tax

  • Government to introduce Goods and Services Tax (GST) at 6% starting April 1, 2015. Sales and Services Tax to be abolished.
  • Items to be exempted from GST – rice, sugar, salt, flour, cooking oil, dhal, chilli, herbs, salted fish, cincalok, budu, belacan, piped water, electricity (for first 200 for domestic use), government services, public transport (bus, LRT, ferry, toll) sales and purchase of property or rental of property.
  • Implementation comes with a reduction in tax structure effective from 2015. Generally, those with family and earning RM4,000 and below need no longer pay income tax.
  • After GST, a one-off cash payment of RM300 to be made to those now receiving BR1M help.
  • GST monitoring committee to be chaired by Minister of Finance II Ahmad Husni Hanadzlah to ensure smooth implementation.

Tax incentives

  • In tandem with GST, individual income tax rates to be reduced by one to three percentage points for all taxpayers.
  • Chargeable income subject to maximum rate to be increased from exceeding RM100,000 to exceeding RM400,000.
  • Current maximum tax rate at 26% to be reduced to 24%, 24.5% and 25%. These measures to be effective from 2015.
  • Tax rebate of RM2,000 for those earning less than RM8,000
  • To help the employer’s burden of implementing of minimum wage scheme – RM900 in Peninsula Malaysia and RM800 in Sabah and Sarawak, the government will introduce extra tax incentives for whole of 2014. This is to help employers to top up salaries of their employees to the minimum level.
  • Corporate tax rate cut by 1 percentage point from 25% to 24%, for SMEs reduction from 20% to 19% from year of assessment 2016.
  • Cooperative tax rate cut by 1 to 2 percentage points from year of assessment 2015.

Projects and allocations

  • Projects to be implemented include 316km West Coast Expressway from Banting to Taiping. and double-tracking projects from Ipoh to Padang Besar and later from Gemas to Johor Bahru.
  • National Entrepreneur Development Office to be established to plan and coordinate all entrepreneurship activities.
  • RM1 billion investment in companies scoring high on Environmental, Social and Governance Index.
  • RM265 mil to resolve electricity cuts in Sabah.
  • Government to conduct audit on projects valued at more than RM100 million.
  • 496 more CCTV at 25 areas. RM200 mil allocated for police to get more equipment (weapons, bulletproof vest, forensic vehicles, biometric equipments)

Education

  • Education budget for 2014: RM54.6 billion or 21 percent of total budget.
  • RM450 mil funds for school maintenance. Breakdown: RM100 mil for SK, and RM50 mil each for all the rest: SJK(C), SJK(T), Sekolah Mubaligh, Sekolah Asrama Penuh, MRSM, government-aided religious school and sekolah agama rakyat.
  • Government to continue giving RM100 cash to all primary and secondary school students.
  • Baucer Buku 1Malaysia for pre-U students of RM250 to continue. RM325 mil to be allocated and it is estimated that this will help 1.3 million students nationwide.
  • RM100 mil to improve education and training for Indians.

Tourism

2013 – RM25 mil tourist arrivals
2014 – Target: 28 mil tourist arrivals

2014 – Visit Malaysia Year
2015 – Year of Festivals

  • Government to spend RM 1.2 bil to develop, promote and publicise tourism in 2013-2014.
  • RM2 bil for Special Tourism Infrastructure Fund to finance building tourism infrastructure.

Air transport

  • RM700 million to build new air traffic control and management system at KLIA. This is to replace the existing one in Subang.
  • RM312 million to upgrade Kota Kinabalu, Sandakan, Miri, Sibu and Mukah airports, additional upgrade of terminals in Langkawi International Airport and Kuantan Airport.
  • Services sector blueprint to be launched next year, the logistics sector master plan and national aviation policy to be formulated.

Public transport

  • RM62 million for ‘park and ride' facilities at LRT, KTM Komuter and ERL stations.
  • RM15.3 million for Centralised Taxi Service System to ensure efficient mobilisation of taxi services.
  • RM28 million for building 'last city terminals', upgrading of bus stops and providing 'drop-and-ride' facilities.
  • Refurbishing electric trains at a cost of RM28 million to ensure frequency and efficiency of services.

High-speed broadband

  • Second phase of the High-Speed Broadband (HSBB) project in collaboration with the private sector involving RM1.8 billion investment to expand coverage to major towns. Internet speed to be increased to 10 Mbps.
  • RM1.5 bil to build 1,000 new telecommunications tower over three years. RM850 mil to build new undersea cable to improve internet in East Malaysia over 3 years.

Agriculture

  • RM6 bil allocated to implement high value-added and commercially viable agriculture programmes.
  • RM2.4 bil for agricultural subsidies and incentives for paddy and fish farming.

Subsidies reduction

  • Sugar subsidy of 34 sen to be abolished tomorrow. Price to go up to RM2.84 per kg.
  • Government to allocate RM47 bil for subsidies in 2013 and 53% or RM24.8 bil went to petrolem products that benefitted all, even the rich, the businessmen and foreigners.
  • Najib cites the recent petrol price subsidy cut as an example of this structural changes to come for subsidies, which make up to a fifth of the total national budget.

Retirement scheme

  • To allocate RM210 mil for a private retirement scheme (PRS) to encourage young to start saving. Starting Jan 1, the government will top up RM500 into the account for those aged 20-30 years old who can save RM1,000.
  • It is estimated that 420,000 youths may join this scheme to run for five years.

Increase of Real Property Gain Tax (RPGT)

  • RPGT increased as follow:
- 30% (first 3 years)
- 20% (fourth year)
- 15% (fifth year)
- For foreigners: 30% for all five years
  • Minimum property purchase price for foreigners to be doubled from RM500,000 to RM1 mil.
  • Cheaper homes: Subsidy of RM15,000 to RM20,000 for private and public developers for low and medium cost homes, for sale to first home buyers.

BRIM 3.0

  • Those earning household income of below RM3,000 to get RM650, an increase of RM150.
  • RM450 for those households earning between RM3,000 and RM4,000.
  • For single individuals earning below RM2,000, they get RM300 each.
  • In total, RM4.6 billion will be handed out under BR1M 3.0.

Health

  • Additional 6,400 nurses in government hospitals.
  • RM3.3 bil for medication and medical equipment.

Anwar: Gov’t punishing the people with GST

Posted: 25 Oct 2013 04:59 AM PDT

Malaysiakini

The introduction of the good and services tax (GST), as just recently announced by Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak as part of the 2014 Budget only serves to "punish the people", said Anwar Ibrahim.

In an immediate reaction to the budget, the opposition leader said this will only further serve to widen the divide between the rich and the poor and vowed that Pakatan Rakyat will continue to oppose the GST in earnest.

However, he said the budget further lacked focus "fundamental issues and good governance".

"There was feeble argument on reducing sugar subsidy. There is no focus on the issue of good governance.

"(There was) Lower taxes for the rich, special funds for companies (but) at the same time you impose general tax that will affect a large segment of the population. It is a paradox," he said

Najib today announced that the Sales and Service Tax will be abolished, and in its place will be the much-critised GST at 6 percent, effective from April 1, 2015.

In Budget 2014, MP sees no curb to Putrajaya’s appetite

Posted: 25 Oct 2013 04:57 AM PDT

TMMO

A government deficit that remains unmoved despite a RM14.4 billion surfeit in tax collections suggests that Putrajaya is incapable of reining in its excess spending even as it imposes a Good and Services Tax (GST) on the public, DAP's Tony Pua said today.

Pointing out that the reported excess in tax collections disclosed in Economic Report 2013/14 should have helped slash the chronic deficit to a "euphoric" 2.6 per cent, the Petaling Jaya Utara MP said this has instead remained unchanged at the projected 4 per cent.

"Despite collecting the significantly higher than expected revenue, the deficit for 2013 remained at RM39.3 billion. It means that almost every single sen of extra revenue collected by the Government is immediately expended, instead of contributing towards reducing our debt," Pua said in a statement today.

Putrajaya today announced the introduction of the long-delayed GST that will begin at 6 per cent from April 1, 2015 in a bid to widen its revenue base and tackle its chronic overspending that dates back to the Asian Financial Crisis of the 90s.

But despite seeking to shift the burden to the public, Pua said the Budget for 2014 also showed that Putrajaya was not slowing down its spending.

"Datuk Seri Najib  (Razak) is seeking the Parliament to increase the operating expenditure further to RM217.7 billion, despite a massive RM7.3 billion cut in the subsidies budget from RM46.7 billion in 2013 to RM39.4 billion in 2014.

"Effectively, that means whatever that is saved from the subsidies reduction goes entirely towards other government operating expenditure," Pua added.

While billed as a "brave reform", Pua noted that any benefit from the introduction of the GST would be negated by the government's inability to spend less than it takes in.

He added that instead of addressing the deficit, the new tax would become another avenue to fill "the coffers of the government so as to reduce the need for the BN administration to cut down on its excesses.

"The GST is a consumption tax, meaning all Malaysians will be taxed according to their level of spending, regardless of income. This differs from income tax that is only applicable after a certain salary level is exceeded.

Najib announced today that essential food items would be exempted from the tax, in addition to tap water and the first 200 units of electricity. Government services and public transport will also be exempted.

The tax was first announced during Budget 2005 and was originally scheduled to be implemented in 2007 before it was deferred.

The GST Bill was then tabled for the first reading in 2009 for implementation in late 2011, but was withdrawn during the second reading in 2010 following fierce public resistance.

Pakatan’s shadow budget to address measures on curbing ‘twin deficits’

Posted: 25 Oct 2013 04:56 AM PDT

TMMO

Economic analysts, rating agencies and policymakers have expressed their concerns on the broadening risk of "twin deficits" in several countries. Malaysia is one of the countries that encounters the potential due to the shrinking of national current-account surplus and its continuous budget deficits every year. The Fitch-Ratings agency warns about the country's poor economic performance and thus, downgrades its credit-rating of the Malaysian economy from stable to negative. Dozens of private investors have shown their dwindling interest in local market, but the BN government has continued its lavish spending on unnecessary purchases.

A gloomier outlook of the economy plus the low-recovering speed of BRICS countries have caused emerging markets to become more vulnerable. Whether the Federal Reserve will continue its long-term asset purchase through Quantitative Easing (QE) still remains obscure. Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak has pledged to trim the fiscal deficit from 4.5 per cent to 4 per cent this year. However, this may be piecemeal reforms and blanket approaches seemed far from forthcoming. To maintain macroeconomic stability with a sustainable pace of growth  requires bold and courageous effort but with his lacklustre reform policies it will seem impossible to meet the requirement of its undertaking.

Pakatan's 2014 shadow budget foresees its capabilities to reduce the concerns over the potential of "twin deficits" by proposing a balanced fiscal reform with a greater prospect of fostering the people's needs. Below are excerpts from Pakatan Rakyat's 2014 Budget that address the underlying fiscal consolidation:

  1. To break the vicious cycle of mounting public debt in excess of RM500 billion and the ever growing annual debt service charges of approximately RM20 billion at present of about 10 per cent of annual operating expenditure
  2. To preserve economic resilience in the medium-to-long term in the face of very challenging global economic and financial environment
  3. Move away from "borrowed-growth" model with a rising share of the government spending-led economic activities

Malaysia's relatively large public debt at 53.3 per cent of GDP was also one of the key issues behind the downgrade of Malaysia's economic outlook by Fitch-Ratings. The ballooning public debt in Malaysia is narrowly reaching its debt ceiling due to government wastages and corruption that breeds easily under the BN government. Therefore, Pakatan Rakyat proposed a refining policy to curb these problems by increasing spending efficiency and start its work on the rationalisation process.

Pakatan holds a radical approach to encourage wise spending by introducing a broad-cost rationalisation programme in all ministries and government departments to achieve an across the board 10 per cent cut in annual operating expenditure. The 2012 Auditor-General Report has drawn heavy criticism from every quarters due to the inefficiency of the government agency's handling of taxpayer's money. This led to the conclusion that Najib's announcement of policy reforms is merely cosmetic.

Pakatan has unveiled its cost-containment and savings initiative programmes through specific measures such as:

  1. Implementation of Liquidated Ascertained Damage (LAD) system

This measure is a bold attempt to punish parties that do not fulfil their responsibilities within the timeframe. They must compensate for the loss incurred in the project. Hence, this system should ensure all parties are heavily dedicated to complete their assigned project without allocations of additional cost. The regular practice of this policy may avoid any postponement of projects from its original planning

  1. Qualitative Assessment for Government projects.

Pakatan Rakyat aspires to perform an in-depth assessment of projects from both qualitative and quantitative aspect. Furthermore, government projects will undergo stricter regulation to comply with international standards.

These measures are vital to the development of the nation's economy, while at the same time comply with Pakatan's effort to provide a comprehensive solution of the rising deficit each year. Dealing with the concerns about the twin deficits' threat to Malaysia's economy, Pakatan's shadow budget unleashes its measures to reduce government spending through practical solutions. This could help to boost government's savings estimated at RM 5.7 billion each year.

Pakatan also anticipates a lower budget deficit over GDP this year at 3.2 per cent as compared to the government projection at 4 per cent this year from 4.5 per cent in 2012 while it targets a higher pace of growth estimated a 5.2 per cent due to efficient government spending. It holds the view that spending efficiency is a massive consideration while trimming the deficit. Some of the concerns about Malaysia's mounting public debt at 53 per cent of GDP this year might be well addressed if the current government knows how to spend wisely. Hence, a few measures from Pakatan's shadow budget 2014 can be an eye-opener of how the rationalisation of government spending will help to curb the potential of "twin-deficits" in Malaysia.

[PROGRAM] Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim Di Melaka 26 Oktober 2013 (Sabtu)

Posted: 25 Oct 2013 01:36 AM PDT

1) 4:00 ptg – 6:00 ptg : #MeetAnwar ‘Dialog Anak Muda Bersama Dato’Seri Anwar Ibrahim’ (AIC) di King’s Hotel, Lebuh Ayer Keroh

2) 7:00 ptg – 9:00 ptg : Tazkirah, Rumah Hj Ismail (Sebelah Masjid Krubong)

3) 9.30 mlm – 10.30 mlm : Makan Malam Perdana, Dataran Rakyat, Bukit Katil

Pertanyaan lanjut: 0162462913 (En. Yusof)

PEJABAT DATO’ SERI ANWAR IBRAHIM

Khamis, 24 Oktober 2013

Suara Sri Andalas

Suara Sri Andalas


Program Jom Shopping Sempena Deepavali DUN Seri Andalas

Posted: 24 Oct 2013 08:57 PM PDT

Kampung Jawa, Klang, 20 Oktober 2013 - Pejabat Khidmat ADUN Seri Andalas pada hari ini telah mengadakan Program Jom Shopping Deepavali.

Program ini telah diadakan di pasaraya Econsave Kampung Jawa dari jam 9 pagi hingga 12 tengahari. Program diadakan bagi membantu mereka yang layak untuk membuat persediaan sempena perayaan Deepavali. Setiap peserta diberikan baucar untuk dibelanjakan pada hari ini.

YB Dr Xavier Jayakumar mengucapkan terima kasih kepada para sukarelawan yang telah membantu menjayakan program pada hari ini.




Anwar Ibrahim

Anwar Ibrahim


[PROGRAM] #MeetAnwar Di Melaka

Posted: 24 Oct 2013 06:35 AM PDT

1380499_10151761648961840_787805155_n

#MeetAnwar Melaka
Dialog Anak Muda Bersama Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibahim
26 Oktober 2013|4pm|Kings Hotel No.30 Lebuh Ayer Keroh Melaka|
MASUK PERCUMA
Daftar Kehadiran di:
www.aicmalaysia.blogspot.com

When to Promote Democracy

Posted: 24 Oct 2013 03:25 AM PDT

The National Interest

The George W. Bush presidency dealt a severe blow to the U.S. policy of promoting democracy. The normative and the practical aspects of the policy are now both being contested, and pundits call for a thorough remodeling of the American "democracy bureaucracy." The problem is much more complex, however, and reforming the democracy bureaucracy may be just a part of the solution. It is important to remember that the very democracy bureaucracy existing today has helped consolidate democratic regimes in former Soviet bloc countries such as Czechoslovakia for example.

After the Velvet Revolution, U.S. "democracy money" was helpful in fostering an elite of Czech and Slovak democrats and in introducing democratic practices to the wider public. The United States Information Agency (USIA) printed Czech-language brochures about the role of independent media and democratic governance; U.S. grant money was used to fill the practically inexistent political science libraries of universities and to found civil society organizations and think tanks – the necessary watchdogs of any democracy. In the lead-up to the revolution, Radio Free Europe and the Voice of America were an essential means for dissidents to organize amongst themselves and call for public demonstrations (similarly as the social media today).

The U.S. democracy promotion infrastructure was an important partner in the Czech transformation process and, in a way, still continues to be as the U.S. embassy in Prague sponsors numerous civil society initiatives. Although the Czech Republic may seem like a fully democratic state, the democracy assistance follow-up in a transformed country is equally important as democracy promotion in a yet-untransformed society. It will perhaps take another generation of Czechs before certain aspects of political culture that have prevailed from the communist era will be fully uprooted. But even though nostalgic memories about the merits of the old regime still exist – mainly among the older generation – the younger generation of Czechs is all the more vigilant about respecting democratic principles.

The recent expulsion of U.S. organizations promoting democracy and the rule of law in Egypt, Russia and even the United Arab Emirates is the symptom of a very negative trend – something that has come to be labeled as democratic backlash. This has implications not only for the development of democracy in the respective countries, but more so for U.S. soft power. The workings of USAID, NED and the international branches of the Republican and Democratic Party are perceived as meddling into the internal affairs of sovereign states; they are being labeled as spy agencies and accused of attempting to subvert the standing regime. This all nourishes government propaganda, which can "legitimately" be anti-American.

Nevertheless, the anti-American sentiments in Egypt or Russia that facilitated the decision to expel U.S. NGOs cannot be blamed solely on government propaganda. For over forty years, the thinking and the mindset of Czechoslovaks was fed by aggressive anti-American ("anti-imperialist") propaganda. Yet, after the revolution, the vast majority of the population clearly envisioned where their country should be heading. The primary goal of Czech foreign policy was to "return to the West" – join the NATO community and become a member of the EU. Once these goals were achieved – some commentators argue – Czech foreign policy lost its guiding principle.

So why did Eastern European countries readily accept democracy assistance from the United States while elsewhere it is a problem? Was this because U.S. soft power was at its apex in the 1990s and the American model seemed so lucrative? If yes, was it causation or mere correlation of U.S. democracy promotion efforts? Or was it purely because the countries wanted to drift as far away from Moscow as possible?

Simply put, the Czechs explicitly sought to adopt liberal democracy and capitalism and thereby met John Stuart Mill's prerequisites for representative government: "One, that the people should be willing to receive it; two, that they should be willing and able to do what is necessary for its preservation; three, that they should be willing and able to fulfill the duties and discharge the functions which it imposes on them."

Are such conditions being met in Egypt, Russia and other countries where American initiatives promote democracy? Certainly not as explicitly as in the Czech Republic and other countries from behind the Iron Curtain. In the 1990s, the ouster of U.S. pro-democracy organizations from Czechoslovakia (and later the Czech Republic) would be unthinkable since the public would understand this step as a reminder of the communist anti-Western stance.

A prosaic argument can be drawn from this: Democracy promotion works most effectively in countries where, prior to transition, the majority of the population unequivocally seeks the prospects of joining the Western democratic community – either because of security concerns or economic benefit, but it must also feel welcome to join. Otherwise, democracy promotion can backfire and serve as an instrument of anti-Americanism.

Hence, before future U.S. administrations lies an extremely difficult choice where American soft power is at stake. If democracy promotion initiatives cause, in some countries, democratic backlash, which in turn damages U.S. soft power, is it better to cease the pro-democracy efforts and allocate the funds and efforts elsewhere? But then, without the democracy aid, would all prospects for a democratic breakthrough in the given country be lost? How many missed opportunities for democratization would such a decision generate? In a similar vein, one can ask: What would Czech democracy look like today in a parallel universe, where the United States provided no support for democracy before and after the Velvet Revolution? Unfortunately, one can only speculate about the answers to these questions.

Democracy promotion has become a vicious circle and the only way to step out of it is to sacrifice certain moral principles and values that have guided the policy throughout the twentieth century. In other words, become more selective in democratic assistance. It would be instrumental to curtail support in countries where the general populace is hostile toward the United States and devote most effort to places like Myanmar or perhaps South Sudan. This may seem like a cynical approach, but in the end, it may have better results. American soft power may have more chances to regain the momentum it had in the 1990s, but lost (and continues to lose) during the war on terror.

Chinese soft power is still nowhere near that of The United States, but this may be slowly changing – in parts of Africa for example. As democracy is intrinsically connected in many minds with the United States, democratic backlash is also an expression of opposition to the U.S. (and the West), and consequently damages American soft power. This should be kept in mind for all U.S. engagements in the world, because U.S. decline starts not when China beats the United States in GDP, but when Beijing beats Washington in soft power. Moral hubris is thus the most dangerous threat facing the United States, albeit a threat it can fully control.

Tunisia’s Struggle for a Constitution

Posted: 24 Oct 2013 03:23 AM PDT

The National Interest

Tunisia is the last hope for a successful transition arising from the 2011 Arab uprisings. Egypt has regressed into open authoritarianism and military rule; in Morocco, the palace has again outmaneuvered the government, sidelining the Islamist Party for Justice and Development even though it nominally controls the government; the new Yemeni government resembles the old one and faces the same problems of economic collapse and regional separatism. Libya got rid of Qaddafi only to fall in the hands of rival militias that out-power the fledgling political institutions; Syria is engulfed in a vicious and seemingly endless conflict. In Tunisia, rival parties are mired in bitter political battles as they all seek to maximize their political advantage, but as long as the battles remain political there is hope for a long term democratic outcome. If all parties wanted, the impasse could be resolved in a few weeks, on the basis of a road map to which all parties have agreed, but only kind of.

Fortunately for Tunisia, a solution to the present impasse can only come from an agreement among the major political actors. The intervention of a deus ex machina is unlikely. There is no indication that the military—apolitical ever since Tunisia became independent—will intervene, as it did in Egypt. The security forces are more of a question mark, but their intervention still seems unlikely. There is no king to maneuver behind the scene and implement his own solutions, as in Morocco. And outside actors cannot impose their will, as the GCC countries did in Yemen. Tunisian politicians will have to work out a compromise solution among themselves. This could be the beginning of democracy. Conversely, it could be the beginning of a protracted period of instability and economic decline.

The Transition Saga

After the fall of the Ben Ali regime, Tunisia appeared to be off to a promising start. Within weeks, Beji Caid Essebsi, an old-time politician who had occupied a variety of important positions under President Bourguiba, became interim prime minister. Working with the High Authority for the Achievement of the Revolution's Objectives, Political Reform, and Democratic Transition, a body whose convoluted name denoted the difficult coexistence of organizations with different goals, Essebsi managed to steer the country successfully to the election of a constituent assembly in October 2011. The assembly was expected to complete its work in one year.

Two years later, the constitution has not yet been approved, although the third and final draft has been "almost completed" for at least six months. Participants in the process blame each other's perversity for the delay. To an outside observer, it is clear that both structural obstacles and political choices account for the problem. There is no magic bullet to solve the structural problems and Tunisians will have to learn to live with them. Political choices, on the other hand, could be reversed rapidly, as part of a grand bargain among the parties in the negotiation that started on October 23.

A Clash of Ideologies and Elites

The major political groups in Tunisia do not trust each other, and the mutual suspicions are very deep. There are three such groups: the Islamists, represented by Ennahda and by Salafi factions of different degree of radicalism; a centrist, secular, but extremely fragmented and poorly structured coalition best represented by Nida Tounes and its leader Beji Caid Essebsi; and the left, represented by the small parties in the Popular Front and, at present, the leadership of the UGTT, the labor union federation.

Ennahda won 37 percent of votes in the 2011 elections but it remains an outsider to the political establishment, which is still dominated by the political elite that emerged after independence under President Habib Bourguiba. The party is dominated by its moderate wing, which has made many concessions on the constitutions, including dropping all references to sharia. But it is still an Islamist organization and as such it is deeply distrusted by the old political establishment, which tends to dismiss moderate statements as doublespeak. The presence of a more radical Salafi trend within Ennahda and the somewhat fluid boundaries between Ennahda and more radical Salafi groups do nothing to assuage fears.

The centrist coalition represents Tunisia's secularist tradition, embodied in the 1959 constitution, and in the personal status code of that period, the most progressive in the Arab world. It also represents the country's political elite, in control of the country since independence. Its supporters are truly afraid that an Islamist party could reverse this tradition, but they are also resisting the rise of a new political elite. Centrists accuse Ennahda of seeking to turn the clock of modernity back on Tunisia and particularly its women, although they cannot point to concrete evidence. The accusations must be understood in both contexts: genuine fears that the party will undermine cherished values and a way of life; and a very politically motivated desire to suppress unwelcome competition not only by a new party but by a potential new political elite.

Ennahda is also fearful and distrustful of anybody with ties to the old regime. It has good reasons: a large number of Islamists, including Ennahda's top leaders, were jailed for long periods or forced into exile after Ben Ali cracked down on the party after it won 17 percent of the vote in 1989. In fact, it is not surprising that Ennahda tried to enact a law excluding from political life individuals tainted by association with Ben Ali; rather, it is remarkable that it agreed to drop the law in order to facilitate the transition. Still, Ennahda fears that a victory of the secularist parties could usher in another period of anti-Islamist repression

The parties of the left trust neither the secular centrists nor the Islamists, and in turn are not trusted by either. They are secular, of course, but also militantly socialist, still speaking the language of the old European left. But they are also small and much less threatening to both Ennahda and Nida Tounes. Right now, the left is to some extent making common cause with the center against Ennahda, but it is a fragile alliance of convenience, dictated in part by the fears that Ennahda is gaining support among the labor union's rank and file, the traditional support base of the left.

The Political Game

Tunisian politicians are in agreement about what needs to be done in order to complete the stalled transition: approving the constitutions; forming a new "politically neutral" government to lead the country until the elections; and organize both parliamentary and presidential elections, which entails three steps: forming an independent election commission, writing the election law, and setting the polling dates.

But they disagree profoundly about the sequencing and timing of the steps for reasons of political strategy. Ennahda insists that the present government, which it heads, will not resign until the constitution is approved, the election commission and the election law are ready, and the election dates have been firmly set in early 2014. The opposition parties, on the other hand, want to follow the roadmap proposed by a quartet of mediators, including the labor unions and the employers' federation, which in reality is close to the opposition. The roadmap calls for the formation of the election commission in two weeks and the writing of the election law within two weeks of the beginning of the final negotiations or national dialogue; resignation of the government within three weeks and the completion of the constitution and setting the dates of elections within four weeks. Ennahda fears that once the government has resigned the opposition will stall on the constitutions and the election dates—indeed, members of the opposition are saying openly that elections should be postponed long enough to give time to the new government to get rid of Ennahda's appointees in bureaucratic positions. The opposition argues that if Ennahda gets everything it wants before the government resigns, the resignation will never take place.

All major parties signed to roadmap on October 5, but confusion remains whether Ennahda accepted the proposed deadlines or still insists on its own sequencing. The national dialogue started on October 23 amid street protests, highlighting the tension that surrounds the project. There are many problems to surmount, raising questions whether the proposed deadlines are realistic. The choice of a prime minister all consider neutral will be arduous and the parties will bicker on the composition of the election commission, the details of the election law, and the election dates. What they will not bicker about at this point is ideology. The most contentious ideological issues in the constitution have been settled and the major remaining point of disagreement concerns the respective powers of president and prime minister in the hybrid parliamentary/presidential system—an important issue, to be sure, but hardly an existential one.

The real point of disagreement is not ideology, but politics. The date of elections will undoubtedly affect election results, for example, although it is difficult to know for sure how. Ennahda is better organized and thus ready for elections at any time, while the opposition is still divided; on the other hand, the little cohesion of Nida Tounes depends on Beji Caid Essebsi, an 87-year-old man in fragile health, and postponing elections might backfire on the opposition. An interim government that remains in power for a longer period might be able to undo some of Ennahda's appointments but would also open itself to criticism and hurt the opposition. Rival parties, in other words, are threatening the success of the transition by playing political games that may not even benefit them.

It would not be the first time that the miscalculations of politicians focused on narrow interests hurt a country. In the case of Tunisia, what is also at stake is whether at least one success story can still emerge from the 2011 uprisings.

www.telokkemang.blogspot.com/

www.telokkemang.blogspot.com/


Pendedahan Isu Jalan(Highway) Terbengkalai Seremban-PD-Pasir Panjang

Posted: 23 Oct 2013 08:20 PM PDT

Disini saya berkongsi jawapan Parlimen, rakyat wajar tahu apakah sebab-sebab kegagalan penyiapan jalan yang terlibat (Seremban-PD-Pasir Panjang).



Dato' Kamarul Baharin Abbas (Telok Kemang) minta MENTERI KERJA RAYA 
menyatakan :-
a.      Mengapakah projek pembinaan jalan baru Lebuh Raya Seremban-Port Dickson ke FR5 di  Pasir Panjang dan dari Pasir Panjang ke Linggi yang terbengkalai sejak 2008 dan ditender semula pada 2012 masih mengalami masalah yang sama sehingga kini; dan
b.     Berapakah kos tender semula dan jumlah pembayaran kos keseluruhan pembinaan lebuh raya tersebut yang telah ditanggung sehingga kini.



Tuan Yang Di-Pertua,

Untuk makluman Ahli Yang Berhormat, Projek Menaik Taraf jalan Persekutuan 5 (FT05), Port Dickson - Pasir Panjang - Linggi telah dimulakan pada tahun 2005. Status projek yang dibahagikan kepada 2 seksyen ini ialah seperti berikut:

Seksyen 1, sepanjang 22.5 km telah dimulakan pada bulan Januari 2005 dan sepatutnya siap pada bulan Disember 2009. Kontrak bernilai RM 118.6 juta ini telah ditamatkan pada bulan Jun 2010. berikutan kegagalan pihak kontraktor untuk memenuhi oblogasi kontrak. Sehingga tarikh penamatan, Jabatan Kerja Raya (JKR) telah membayar sebanyak RM 77.2 juta untuk kemajuan kerja (85%) yang telah disiapkan oleh pihak komtraktor.

Berikutan itu, kontraktor penyiap telah dilantik pada bulan November 2011 untuk meneruskan baki kerja yang tertinggal. Harga kontrak yang terlibat ialah sebanyak RM 46 juta dan projek ini sepatutnya siap pada bulan Mac 2013. Walau bagaimanapun, kontrak ini turut ditamatkan akibat masalah kelemahan pihak kontraktor. Untuk kontrak ini, sebanyak RM 31.8 juta telah dibayar kepada pihak kontraktor dengan berasaskan kemajuan kerja (69%) yang disiapkan.

Pada masa kini, Kementerian sedang dalam proses untuk melantik kontraktor penyiap yang baru untuk meneruskan baki kerja-kerja yang terbengkalai. Berdasarkan perancangan, kontraktor baru dijangka memasuki tapak pada bulan Januari 2014 dengan tempoh siap selama 12 bulan. Anggaran harga kontrak untuk baki kerja ini ialah sebanyak RM 18 juta.

Manakala untuk Seksyen 2 pula, projek sepanjang 10.5 km ini telah dimulakan pada bulan Jun 2005 dengan harga kontrak sebanyak RM 44.9 juta. Projek ini mengalami kelewatan dan kontrak ini telah ditamatkan pada bulan September 2010. Sehingga tarikh penamatan, sebanyak RM 27.7 juta bagi kemajuan kerja (48%) yang disiapkan dibayar.

Sehubungan daripada penamatan itu, kontraktor penyiap yang baru telah dilantik pada bulan Febuari 2011, dengan harga kontrak semasa sebanyak RM 67.5 juta. Pada masa kini kemajuan ditapak berjalan lancar dengan kemajuan fizikal sebanyak 82% sehingga 30 September 2013. Projek ini dijangka siap mengikut jadual pada bulan Disember 2013.

Untuk makluman Ahli Yang Berhormat, kelewatan projek ini adalah disebabkan oleh pelbagai masalah, khususnya melibatkan aspek kelemahan pihak kontraktor. Walau bagaimanapun, kementerian ini akan memperketatkan lagi aspek pemantauan bagi memastikan projek ini tidak lagi tergendala dan ia dapat disiapkan keseluruhannya mengikut jadual.

Sekian, terima kasih.