Isnin, 25 Julai 2011

Anwar Ibrahim

Anwar Ibrahim


Rakyat Harap Pada Siapa Untuk Tegak Keadilan

Posted: 25 Jul 2011 08:24 PM PDT

Harakah

Kini, rakyat sedang bertanya kepada siapakah yang boleh diharapkan supaya keadilan dapat ditegakkan dalam kes seumpama mendiang Teoh Beng Hock, Allahyarham Ahmad Sarbani Mohamed, mendiang A Kugan dan yang terkini arwah Baharuddin Ahmad yang meninggal dunia semasa perhimpunan Bersih 2.0 9 Julai yang lepas.

"Nak mengadu pada pihak berkuasa, tetapi yang menyiasat juga ialah pihak berkuasa dan perkakas yang tidak berani melawannya," kata Ketua Penerangan PAS Pusat, Datuk Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man dalam satu kenyataan hari ini.

Tuan Ibrahim bertanya sedemikian sebagai respons kepada kegusaran dan kesedihan yang menimpa keluarga Allahyarham Baharuddin, yang sehingga kini masih tidak mengetahui bagaimana ayah mereka meninggal.

Sebelum ini, polis menegaskan bahawa Allahyarham mati akibat disebabkan serangan jantung tetapi mendakwa tiga tulang rusuk dan gigi Allahyarham yang dilaporkan patah “mungkin” disebabkan oleh rawatan kecemasan yang diberikan ke atasnya.

Namun sehingga kini, menurut anaknya Mohd Nasrul, keluarganya masih tertanya-tanya bagaimanakah polis mendapat fakta berhubung sebab kematian lelaki yang meninggal dunia semasa menyertai perhimpunan Bersih 2.0 di KLCC, Kuala Lumpur dua minggu lalu sedangkan pihak keluarga sendiri masih belum menerima laporan bedah siasat yang dijalankan ke atas jenazah.

Bukan itu sahaja, dalam menguatkan hujah mereka, polis telah memaparkan gambar ‘Baharuddin’ memegang dadanya semasa perhimpunan Bersih 2.0 Julai 9 yang lalu.

Tuan Ibrahim berkata, rakyat kini susah hendak menerima hasil siasatan pihak berkuasa, terutamanya apabila pihak berkuasa yang menerima aduan turut terpalit dalam kes-kes tertentu untuk menghukum mereka sendiri.

"Paling hebat ditubuhkan Suruhanjaya Diraja, sekiranya satu hari nanti Suruhanjaya Diraja juga hilang kewibawaan, maka akan ditubuhkan Suruhanjaya Khas pula, lambat-laun segalanya gagal mendapat kepercayaan rakyat apabila mereka menyedari hakikat yang terang lagi bersuluh bahawa semuanya telah dicemari dengan campur tangan para pemimpin Umno dan Barisan Nasional di belakang takbir," tegas Tuan Ibrahim, yang juga Pesuruhjaya PAS Pahang.

Bahkan, kerajaan boleh berusaha untuk mengubah nama institusi-institusi dengan pelbagai nama sekalipun, namun Tuan Ibrahim berkata, hakikatnya semua itu hanyalah perubahan komestik kerana realitinya sistem negara telah punah kerana ia dipimpin oleh Umno Barisan Nasional yang telah punah struktur asasnya.

"Ia tidak lebih umpama bangunan yang telah dimamah anai-anai, walau kelihatan dari luarnya kukuh, sebenarnya ia hanya menunggu masa untuk rebah menyembah bumi," sindir beliau.

Kepincangan serius ini, kata beliau menuntut sesuatu tindakan untuk dilakukan segera agar institusi-institusi yang disandar rakyat bagi menuntut keadilan dan hak mereka dapat terus diyakini.

"Untuk itu, PAS mengingatkan rakyat bahawa keadilan hanya dapat diperolehi daripada satu sistem yang adil dengan syarat sistem yang adil tersebut dilaksana oleh pimpinan yang adil.

Diharapkan rakyat sudah bersiap sedia untuk melangkah ke arah perubahan tersebut di PRU ke 13 nanti," seru beliau.

Interview With John Malott: The US And Malaysia’s Political Awakening

Posted: 25 Jul 2011 08:18 PM PDT

Malaysia Chronicle
Written by Wong Choon Mei

The July 9 Bersih 2.0 rally for free and fair elections is a landmark event in more ways than one. Not only has it galvanized many Malaysians into action against a system that has long been described as decaying, eaten to the bone by corruption and abuse of power, it has also made many in the influential First World wonder about the political leadership and future of the country.

One such person is John Malott, a former US ambassador to Malaysia, who is still widely regarded for his knowledge of the country and its political dynamics. In the wake of the Bersih rally, he was asked for his assessment by a think-tank East-West Center established by the US Congress, and he offered his opinion in an analysis entitled Malaysia’s Political Awakening: A Call to US Leadership.

The analysis was published in the Center's Asia Pacific Bulletin, which is delivered directly to over 1,500 leaders of the US foreign policy community, including Members of Congress and their staffs; officials in the White House, US State Department, and US Defense Department; and will influence leaders in US think tanks, university research centers, and the media.

In his article, Malott minced no words, opining that the idyllic image many top US leaders still held of Malaysia as a “democratic, booming, tropical paradise” was no longer true, and in fact, a reverse situation had been taking place. He shared the opinion of another expert Clive Kessler that this situation has now reached a “most fluid and dangerous” point. Kessler is the Emeritus Professor, Sociology & Anthropology, School of Social Sciences & International Studies, The University of New South Wales.

“The purpose of writing this article was two-fold. One, to get the American foreign policy community to "wake up" to what has been happening in Malaysia and shake off any idealized notion of Malaysia as a democratic, booming, tropical paradise. Two, in the words of Amnesty International, to say that America cannot be a "spectator" as the political situation in Malaysia evolves,” Malott told Malaysia Chronicle in a recent interview.

“The United States has many interests in Malaysia, including supporting those members of civil society who are calling for electoral reform and greater democracy. We need to go beyond mere lip service and make sure that we stand on the right side of Malaysia's future.”

A more vocal US

Given the impact Bersih has made on the international community and as more analyses such as Malott’s are distributed to specific and specialised audiences in the US, there is likely to be some adjustment in Washington’s perception of Malaysia going forward. It is possible the US may be more vocal about their support for democratic development in Malaysia, a signal that should not be missed by the alert in the government and business sectors.

In the interview with Malaysia Chronicle, Malott explained what he meant by “US leadership” and stressed that US concerns did not lie in who formed the government of Malaysia but about the continuation of and support for democracy in the Southeast Asian nation.

“I called for US leadership. By that I mean, we need to be more visible and vocal in expressing our concerns about developments in Malaysia. We need to be more supportive – moral support and encouragement – of those members of civil society in Malaysia who want Malaysia to become a true democracy and have the same freedom that we and others have. We should support the call for electoral reform. It is not up to America who forms the government in Malaysia. But we should be concerned whether the playing field is level,” said Malott.

But serious though the current situation is, Malott does not think that Malaysians had reached “boiling point”. He also believes it is possible for the BN government to regain control of the situation.

“I don't believe that the situation is near the boiling point. Malaysians don't boil. They are a very patient people. That is why July 9 was such a remarkable event. The temperature went up, but it is nowhere near the boiling point. But if people don't follow through – if the leaders of civil society, the opposition and others don't follow through, the temperature will go down. If the government carves out more space for those who don't agree with them, they also could lower the temperature,” said Malott.

Two different eras – Mahathir and Najib

He warned the imbalances were real and discontent would continue to fester if reforms were ignored. And while concerned, foreign investors and businesses had not reached the stage where they would shun Malaysia. In the past, especially during the time of former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad, Malaysians and investors put up with his ham-fisted rule because the economy was booming. But not anymore.

“As long as the economy was booming, a lot of the underlying racial and social tensions could be contained. Plus people were willing to grant Mahathir the right to wield his political iron hand in exchange for the economic benefits that the country was getting. Despite the occasional scandals and the cronyism, the Malaysian "man in the street" thought that he had benefited greatly from Malaysia's growth, and he was right. But now for over a decade the economy has slowed, and investment is down. Many college grads are unemployed. And the Government has removed subsidies on everyday items. So I think the man in the street – the Malaysian middle class, the people who live in the cities — don't have the same feeling they had before. They don't see the same level of economic progress for themselves. They don't see the government delivering on all the promises it has made.”

Malott was also scathing about the way Prime Minister Najib Razak handled the July 9 Bersih march, where more than 1,600 people were arrested, thousands more injured and one died from the excessive police crackdown ordered by the authorities.

“The actions of the government, before and after July 9, backfired against them. Matthias Chang wrote that they acted with sheer stupidity. The Government still has a chance to turn this around, but that would require them to give more political "space" to those who don't agree with them, and to make sure that the people get to enjoy the rights that the constitution guarantees them. Will they? I have my doubts. This is a government – even though they have spent millions on PR firms and management consultants – that keeps shooting itself in the foot. The deportation of the French lawyer is only the latest example. Now, for the first time, all the juicy details of that scandal – including the model who was murdered by the PM's bodyguards – have appeared in the Washington Post. It just adds to the confusion among people here – what kind of a country is Malaysia, anyhow? And is Najib really the person that he has portrayed himself to be?”

Malaysia Chronicle appends blow the unedited full-text of the interview with John Malott, ambassador from 1995 to 1998 and is currently the president of the Japan-America Society of Washington DC

Chronicle: In your article, you mentioned that the Malaysian people showed they would no longer be intimidated by their government. Given the severity of the pre-rally crackdown and the police scare-mongering and yet tens of thousands defied the ban, would you say this feeling of ‘defiance’ so to speak is deep-seated, has been growing and is reaching boiling point? And why?

Malott: I think that this discontent has been growing for sometime. But the heavy hand of the government in the days leading up to the July 9 rally, and their strange statements and actions – like saying that Bersih was trying to overthrow the government and banning the color yellow – caused many more Malaysians to wake up and pay attention.

Chronicle: If you agree that the feelings of ‘discontent’ or ‘unhappiness’ so to speak are deep-seated, does this imply that the political or living conditions in Malaysia have been and are repressive and do not encourage the truth to be openly raised or discussed. And why?

Malott: I don't know how deep-seated or widespread these feelings are in Malaysia. That's why I wrote in my analysis that the question for the future is whether the momentum can be sustained. Will an increasing number of Malaysians wake up and understand the status of democracy and political freedom in their country, or will it go back to business as usual, where it is just activists in civil society and the opposition who are vocal. As I said, the actions of the government, before and after July 9, backfired against them. Matthias Chang wrote that they acted with sheer stupidity. The Government still has a chance to turn this around, but that would require them to give more political "space" to those who don't agree with them, and to make sure that the people get to enjoy the rights that the constitution guarantees them. Will they? I have my doubts. This is a government – even though they have spent millions on PR firms and management consultants – that keeps shooting itself in the foot. The deportation of the French lawyer is only the latest example. Now, for the first time, all the juicy details of that scandal – including the model who was murdered by the PM's bodyguards – have appeared in the Washington Post. It just adds to the confusion among people here – what kind of a country is Malaysia, anyhow? And is Najib really the person that he has portrayed himself to be?

Chronicle: If you agree that the ‘defiance’ so to speak is not an overnight or sudden swell-up but has been building up through the years, does this imply the policies – both social and economic – adopted by the BN federal government have not been appropriate, in the sense that they did not treat the wants and needs of the people? And why?

Malott: When I was Ambassador, we always believed that as long as the economy was booming, a lot of the underlying racial and social tensions could be contained. Plus people were willing to grant Mahathir the right to wield his political iron hand in exchange for the economic benefits that the country was getting. Despite the occasional scandals and the cronyism, the Malaysian "man in the street" thought that he had benefited greatly from Malaysia's growth, and he was right. But now for over a decade the economy has slowed, and investment is down. Many college grads are unemployed. And the Government has removed subsidies on everyday items. So I think the man in the street – the Malaysian middle class, the people who live in the cities — don't have the same feeling they had before. They don't see the same level of economic progress for themselves. They don't see the government delivering on all the promises it has made. Meanwhile, they read about diamond rings and fancy yachts and $27 million condos in New York. It seems like it is business as usual at the top. One of the articles in your website today (Sunday) said something like 'Malaysia is now being run not for the benefit of the people or even the Malays. It is being run for the benefit of the UMNO elite.'

Chronicle: Do you think these feelings of resentment so to speak are anywhere near boling point, close to boiling point or have already boiled over and what are the implications for the ruling BN coalition, the opposition, long-term investors and the people? And why?
For example, is this a wake-up call for the BN, opportunity knocking at the door for the Pakatan, a stay-away call for investors? As for the people, do you foresee the start of a new trend for peaceful assemblies, protests ala Thailand? Or in your words – a political awakening – but in what shape and form will this likely take?

Malott: I don't believe that the situation is near the boiling point. Malaysians don't boil. They are a very patient people. That is why July 9 was such a remarkable event. The temperature went up, but it is nowhere near the boiling point. But if people don't follow through – if the leaders of civil society, the opposition and others don't follow through, the temperature will go down. If the government carves out more space for those who don't agree with them, they also could lower the temperature.

On foreign investment, I think that foreign businessmen are smart. They will not be scared away from Malaysia because of one demonstration. What concerns them most is corruption, the lack of transparency in awarding government contracts, the ease and cost of doing business in Malaysia compared to other locations, whether Malaysia's market is growing fast, its competitiveness, the independence of its courts, the availability of skilled employees, and so on. It is those kinds of practical questions that mean the most to them. As the statistics show, over the last decade or so, Malaysia's share of all the foreign investment coming into ASEAN has been declining. From the point of view of a foreign investor, they have many choices. There are many countries they can invest in. So the question for the Malaysian government is, what do we need to do to increase our attractiveness to foreign investors, compared to our neighbors?

Chronicle: You quoted another expert who used the term “most fluid and dangerous” to describe the situation in Malaysia today. How extreme can the situation become, for example is it possible for Malaysia to regress to a non-democratic state where elections may even be discarded, military or police rule the new order, a ‘closing of doors’ so to speak? And why? In such a case, who would be the prime-movers – PM Najib Razak and his cousin Hishammuddin Hussein, other factions led by DPM Muhyiddin Yassin or ex-PMs Mahathir Mohamad and Abdullah Badawi or UMNO, the party as a whole? I do not mention the other parties in BN because it is clear they do not have the clout, do you agree? What would happen to the opposition in the country then? And for how long could an extreme situation last?
You also mentioned in your article, the Economist Intelligence Unit says Malaysia is a "flawed democracy". If this is so, then if in the swing towards a ‘full democracy’, Malaysia collapses into a police regime – to many who have been following the situation closely, this would not be surprising or be an unlikly possibility at all. But for those who still see the country as per its postcards of sunny skies and ideal racial harmony, this would come as a rude shock. Do you agree and what sort of odds would you give to the worst scenario happening? And why? What other scenarios do you seen? And why?

Malott: Clive Kessler, who knows infinitely more about Malaysia than I do, wrote an analysis recently (which you had on your website) in which he raised the prospect that rather than lose an election, UMNO would declare an emergency and not hold elections. As a former State Department official, I don't want to comment on Wikileaks. But when I read the latest leaked cable, in which our Embassy said three years ago, in effect, that UMNO would do "whatever it takes" to remain in power, including subverting the institutions of state power to its own purposes, including the police and the courts. Malaysia has seen Operasi Lalang, it has seen the Sedition Act and ISA used liberally, and more recently it has seen denial of service attacks on the alternative media to keep people from reading what the Government doesn't want them to know. I hope it doesn't come to that. I am not Clive Kessler, and I don't want to make a prediction. But I would not rule out the possibility that something like that might happen. What is the probability of it happening? I don't know. But if it does happen, then as you said, it will come as a great shock to everyone who has been holding a very different image of Malaysia. That is why I wrote my piece. I think the American people need to wake up and understand what is happening in Malaysia today, and to express our concern.

Chronicle: From your article, it looks like the United States is still in the postcards-and-sunny-skies group? Is this view still very entrenched or have there been significant shifts of late? Given the very sizeable investments the US has in Malaysia, should not American foreign policy makers make better efforts to assess the situation? Should they not take some action or send stronger signals to help keep democracy alive in Malaysia? In other words, has not the time come to take sides? What are the things that US bodies could do?

Mallot: I think to the extent American think or know about Malaysia, most of them are still in the picture postcard stage of awareness. So that is why I sent my wake-up call. Let's see what happens. Some of us – all friends of Malaysia — will continue to do everything we can to keep up awareness. Amnesty International said America "should not be a spectator," and I agree. I called for US leadership. By that I mean, we need to be more visible and vocal in expressing our concerns about developments in Malaysia. We need to be more supportive – moral support and encouragement – of those members of civil society in Malaysia who want Malaysia to become a true democracy and have the same freedom that we and others have. We should support the call for electoral reform. It is not up to America who forms the government in Malaysia. But we should be concerned whether the playing field is level, and whether all the parties have an equal chance to access the media, and so on. RTM and Bernama belong to all the people of Malaysia, not to UMNO. They are paid for by all the people of Malaysia, not just those who voted for UMNO. Bersih's demands all seemed quite reasonable to me. When Najib arrived home from Rome the other day, he held an airport press conference and said that Malaysia's elections already are free and fair, and that UMNO has never cheated in an election. Does he really believe that? That is not what all the independent academic studies have to say. And then he went out to meet the people, and according to an article in Malaysiakini, he proceeded to pass out white envelopes with 200 ringgit inside to the people who were there.

Chronicle: Cleaning the Malaysian electoral system and making sure it reflects accurately the wishes the majority seems to be the best way or one the best ways to ensure human rights, cvil liberties and democratic practises prevail. Do you agree and how can the US help to promote such a practise in Malaysia given that the existing BN federal government is insistent that nothing is wrong and is likely to resist efforts to revamp?

Malott: I read that the European Union office in KL is going to recommend that the EU send observer missions to the next election. That is good. That is leadership. I think that some of our organizations – the National Democratic Institute, the International Republic Institute, the Carter Center – should prepare to do the same. The Vice Chair of the Elections Commission said that foreigners would never understand Malaysia's election laws. That was an offensive statement. And it also was strange, since his boss the EC chairman was at that very moment in Bangkok, monitoring the Thai elections.

We should be very visible in our support of Bersih and its goals. I hope that our Embassy and the academic and think tank communities in the US will help our policy makers and opinion leaders understand what the true status of democracy and elections in Malaysia is. For example, an American think tank could invite Ambiga to the US so she can explain directly to us what Bersih is all about. It would be useful to benchmark Malaysia's electoral laws and rules against those elsewhere in the world. For example, how many countries allow their citizens living overseas to vote? What is the minimum age for voters in most countries? How do other countries handle postal ballots – who is allowed to use them? In other countries with publicly-owned television and radio networks – Japan, Britain, America, Australia, Taiwan, Singapore, etc. – how do they ensure that political and election reporting is balanced? How do they provide access to opposition candidates? How do other countries ensure that their election commission is independent? Malaysia needs to make sure that what it does matches the prevailing international standards in other democracies.

I am sure that the Government will resist this. But we should not give in. They can resist, and we should insist.

Chronicle: Do you see any similarity between what is happening in Malaysia and the so-called Arab Spring?

Malott: Well, Malaysia is certainly not Libya or Syria or Yemen. Najib is not a Qaddafi. But still, I was surprised to see that Najib is still saying that the Bersih movement is a veiled attempt to topple his administration through street demonstrations, like those that are now claiming Middle Eastern despots. He said, "It's not so much about electoral reform. They want to show us as though we're like the Arab Spring governments in the Middle East.”

Well, if that is Bersih’s goal, then why did Najib act like an Arab Spring government? It’s only a question of degree. The Malaysian police did not use lethal force, but the mentality is the same. Suppress whoever disagrees with you. Maybe you don’t use tanks, but you use water cannon. It’s not bullets, it’s tear gas. But the authoritarian mindset is exactly the same as the leaders of the Arab Spring governments. Just because you use non-lethal force doesn’t mean it’s OK. – ENDS

Perception: Bersih, Where Do We Go From Here?

Posted: 25 Jul 2011 03:00 AM PDT


Sistem Biometrik Tidak Selamat

Posted: 24 Jul 2011 09:21 PM PDT

Dari Blog Cina Islam
Oleh YB DRS. KHALIL IDHAM LIM

Tidak dinafikan penggunaan teknologi maklumat dalam banyak aspek pentadbiran negara, malah pengurusan syarikat telah menyumbang kepada pertumbuhan ekonomi, produktiviti, keselamatan, kesihatan dan banyak lagi khususnya kepada kepentingan pihak awam. Tidak ketinggalan peranan utamanya untuk memastikan tahap 'competitive' atau daya saing negara terus kekal dan berdaya maju berbanding negara-negara lain.

Satu keperluan 'survival' rakyat Malaysia untuk menggunakan teknologi maklumat sebagai alat untuk memacu negara di dalam proses penjanaan pendapatan dan seterusnya mempertingkatkan pendapatan per-kapita agar rakyat tidak terus menerus lemas di bawah tekanan ekonomi khususnya dari negara luar yang juga menggunakan kaedah yang sama untuk tujuan 'survival' mereka.

Tidak terlalu ‘extreme’ atau berat kalau saya katakan, kita amat memerlukan teknologi maklumat untuk mempertahankan kedaulatan negara khususnya daripada penjajahan ekonomi.

Saya pasti ramai yang akan bersetuju impak positif teknologi maklumat kepada kehidupan sosio-budaya serta pengaruhnya kepada aturan perjalanan kehidupan harian kita, walaubagaimanapun keputusan SPR dan kerajaan Barisan Nasional (BN) untuk mempertimbangkan Sistem Biometrik di atas justifikasi ketelusan ketika pilihanraya khususnya di dalam mengekang pengundi hantu sebenarnya merupakan satu tindakan buat masa ini, dengan tahap integriti yang meragukan daripada sebuah kerajaan yang dilihat kini tidak adil, korup dan zalim dilihat sebagai satu tindakan atau keputusan yang TIDAK SELAMAT.

Rakyat ragu-ragu dengan KETELUSAN yang diucapkan. Rakyat juga ragu-ragu dengan SPR yang dilihat tidak telus, tidak bebas dan kepartian. Malah rakyat juga melihat kawalan politik kepada agensi-agensi yang tertentu yang dilihat terpaksa menyokong dasar parti yang memerintah walaupun bercanggah dengan kepentingan rakyat khususnya dari aspek Hak Asasi termasuk hak-hak yang jelas termaktub di bawah perlembagaan. Malah, Rakyat rata-rata khuatir dengan tindakan pemerintah yang mirip kepada pemerintahan kuku besi seperti yang berlaku di Tunisia.

Kerajaan yang memerintah perlu memulihkan persepsi negatif ini dulu sebelum menimbang untuk menjuarai 'ketelusan' melalui cadangan sistem Biometrik itu yang dilihat rakyat satu lagi alat manipulasi keadilan yang akan mencacatkan lagi persepsi rakyat kepada proses pilihanraya yang adil dan bersih.

Bagaimana Sistem Biometrik boleh dimanipulasi?

Setiap sistem teknologi maklumat yang memerlukan pengesahan aplikasi sistem akan merujuk kepada pengkalan data. SPR diketahui umum telah lama menggunakan aplikasi teknologi maklumat untuk menyimpan maklumat pengundi di dalam pengkalan data. Malah maklumat daftar pengundi boleh dicapai oleh setiap pengundi secara 'online' dengan menggunakan kekunci unik seperti nombor kad pengenalan untuk aplikasi sistem SPR itu mengarahkan capaian maklumat pengundi daripada pengkalan data SPR.

Rakyat tahu masalah utama aplikasi sistem Teknologi Maklumat SPR bukanlah pada aplikasi itu tetapi DATA atau MAKLUMAT yang berada di dalam pengkalan data SPR.

Capaian data atau maklumat pengundi dari pengkalan data sebelum ini melalui aplikasi Teknologi Maklumat atau Sistem Pengurusan Maklumat jelas menunjukkan ada pengundi yang mempunyai 2 tempat malah beberapa tempat mengundi. Malah paparan berita yang dipetik dari Suara Keadilan semalam (24/7/11) mendakwa bahawa terdapat lebih 1600 pengundi yang berusia lebih 100 tahun di Perak di mana 1447 orang daripadanya berusia di antara 100 sehingga 109 tahun. Kita punyai warga emas seramai itu di Perak? Bagaimana pula di seluruh negara?

Jawapan yang mudah kepada masalah integriti data atau maklumat walaupun melalui aplikasi teknologi maklumat atau sistem maklumat yang telah lama digunapakai SPR bukanlah kerana aplikasi itu tetapi kerana data atau maklumat yang dimasukkan ke dalam pengkalan data.

Hanya SPR sahaja yang tahu siapa yang bertanggungjawab untuk memasukkan dan mengemaskinikan data atau maklumat tersebut di dalam pengkalan data. data atau maklumat di dalam pengkalan data tidak boleh berubah dengan sendirinya. Ia hanya boleh berubah dengan tindakan manusia yang menggunakannya. Siapa yang menggunakannya? Anda tahu Siapa?

Kalau SPR tahu bahawa masalah utama adalah integriti DATA atau MAKLUMAT bukanlah kerana aplikasi capaian Teknologi Maklumat atau Sistem Maklumat itu, kenapa SISTEM BIOMETRIK dicadangkan? SISTEM BIOMETRIK juga adalah sebuah aplikasi Teknologi Maklumat atau Sistem Maklumat seperti aplikasi yang digunakan sekarang, cuma perbezaannya adalah cadangan baru itu menggunakan 'hardware' atau perkakasan serta perisian dan bukan 'software' atau perisian semata-mata untuk capaian DATA atau MAKLUMAT pengundi dari pengkalan data seperti yang digunakan hari ini.

Sebagai Contoh : SISTEM BIOMETRIK yang menggunakan cap jari akan bertindak sebagai KUNCI UNIK seperti No.Kad Pengenalan untuk capaian DATA atau MAKLUMAT daripada PENGKALAN DATA. Setiap rakyat Malaysia mempunyai No.Kad Pengenalan Unik dan boleh dipadankan dengan Cap Jari yang juga unik. Sepertimana maklumat No.Kad Pengenalan yang perlu dimasukkan ke dalam pengkalan data untuk membolehkan maklumat pengundi dicapai (nama penuh, alamat, tempat mengundi dan sebagainya), Cap Jari juga perlu dimasukkan ke dalam pengkalan data untuk membolehkan capaian itu dilakukan.

Sepertimana didapati terdapat No.Kad Pengenalan yang sama tetapi mempunyai tempat mengundi yang berbeza (pelbagai lokasi), Cap Jari juga boleh dipadankan dengan tempat mengundi yang berbeza selagimana No.Kad Pengenalan dan Cap Jari yang sama diMASUKKAN oleh SPR ke dalam beberapa rekod (tempat mengundi dan alamat) yang BERBEZA, keputusan daripada SISTEM BIOMETRIK juga akan menghasilkan senarai pengundi yang boleh mengundi di beberapa lokasi mengundi.

Isu KETELUSAN dan PENGUNDI HANTU bukanlah kerana APLIKASI CAPAIAN (perkakasan atau/dan perisian).

Apa perlu ia ditukarkan jika prosesnya sama? Pertukaran lebih dilihat hanya dari aspek kosmetik luaran.

Jawapannya adalah tidak perlu. Siapakah lagi yang akan mendapat habuan dari kegawatan ini melalui cadangan SISTEM BIOMETRIK itu?. Saya biarkan Umno BN untuk merangka jawapan itu. Pasti ramai yang akan tersenyum. Rakyat lebih tahu.

Secanggih manapun aplikasi capaian Teknologi Maklumat atau Sistem Maklumat itu (perkakasan atau perisian, biometrik (cip/kad ID, suara, pengesahan ibu jari atau mata), jika DATA atau MAKLUMAT yang sedia ada di dalam PENGKALAN DATA tidak diBERSIHkan,

tidak dikawal dan diurus selia secara bebas oleh badan yang bebas serta dipercayai Rakyat akan KETELUSAN mereka, saya tidak melihat sumbangan Sistem BIOMETRIK itu kepada 'KETELUSAN' itu khususnya penyelesaian kepada solusi isu pengundi hantu.

Manipulasi SISTEM BIOMETRIK boleh dilakukan kepada PENGKALAN DATA.

"Biometrics can prevent electoral fraud; Biometric can be used to fraud electoral as well."

"Biometrik boleh mencegah penipuan pilihanraya, Biometrik juga boleh digunakan untuk menipu pilihanraya".

Proses pengesahan melalui sistem itu adalah usaha sia-sia, membazir dan TIDAK SELAMAT pada pandangan peribadi saya kerana sebab-sebab di atas. SPR harus menimbang 8 cadangan Jawatankuasa BERSIH 2.0 untuk Pilihanraya yang ADIL dan BERSIH. Semoga imej dan integriti pemerintah dan SPR di mata dan hati rakyat Malaysia dapat dipulihkan dengan menerima semua cadangan itu.

Wallahua'lam.

Najib Takut Rahsia Scorpene, Altantuya Dan Komisyen Ketiga Dibongkar

Posted: 24 Jul 2011 09:16 PM PDT

Keadilan Daily

Tindakan Datuk Seri Najib Razak menghalau peguam, William Bourdon takut rahsia rasuah Scorpene sebanyak RM540 juta terbongkar dan kaitannya dengan pembunuhan warga Mongolia, Altantuya Shaariibu.

Ini termasuk pendedahan mengenai satu lagi komisyen ketiga membabitkan pegawai kerajaan peringkat tertinggi di Malaysia dalam pembelian dua kapal selam berkenaan pada 2002.

Aktivis Suara Rakyat Malaysia, Cynthia Gabriel sebelum ini mendedahkan bukti baru ditemui bahawa komisyen tersebut "lebih besar" daripada yang dibayar kepada syarikat Perimekar Sdn Bhd.

Perimekar merupakan syarikat milik Abdul Razak Baginda, rakan baik Najib yang terlepas dari hukuman gantung kerana membunuh Altantuya- perantara bagi urusan pembelian Scorpene.

Pengerusi Solidariti Anak Muda Malaysia (SAMM), Badrul Hisham Shaharin berkata demikian mengulas tindakan pentadbiran Najib menghantar pulang peguam dari Perancis itu.

"Kalau tidak salah, kenapa dihantar balik peguam Perancis. Bourdon datang untuk jalankan tanggungjawabnya mendedahkan kontroversi pembelian Scorpene," katanya yang lebih dikenali Chegu Bard kepada KeadilanDaily, hari ini.

Chegu Bard berkata, Najib dalam keadaan semakin terdesak dan kini takut akan bayang-bayangnya sendiri hingga akhirnya memalukan dirinya sendiri.

"Najib semakin tergugat apatah lagi takut pembohongannya terdedah dengan pembongkaran Bourdon," kata Ketua Cabang Rembau itu.

Bourdon dijadualkan memberi ucapannya di Selangor malam semalam dan 23 Julai di Ipoh, Perak sebelum ditahan Jabatan Imigresen di Lapangan Terbang Antarabangsa Kuala Lumpur (KLIA) dan dihantar pulang ke Paris jam 11.30 malam semalam.

Beliau aktif dalam memulakan prosedur undang-undang di Perancis terhadap bekas pemimpin Serbia atau pemimpin Rwanda yang disyaki melakukan jenayah kemanusiaan dan jenayah perang.

Beliau juga peguam kepada keluarga asal Perancis-Chile yang menjadi mangsa kepada bekas diktaktor Augusto Pinochet, selain mempertahankan beberapa banduan Perancis yang ditahan di Guantanamo.

Mengulas lanjut, Chegu Bard mengingatkan semua pihak bertapa perbuatan Najib itu mengulangi kezaliman bekas Presiden kuku besi Tunisia, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali yang digulingkan rakyat baru-baru ini.

"Bourdon sebelum ini pernah dihalau oleh Ben Ali. Kali ini, Najib pula mengulangi tindakan sama. Najib sama seperti Ben Ali, sebaris dengan Ben Ali. Tiada bezanya mereka berdua.

Zine El Abidien Ben Ali

Ben Ali pula seorang beragama Islam tetapi tidak melaksanakan pemerintahannya berlandaskan syariat, malah menolak tuntutan al-Quran sebagai dasar sesebuah kerajaan sekalipun majoriti rakyat, beragama Islam.

Ben Ali juga menukarkan Tunisia kepada sebuah kerajaan polis apabila meletakkan seorang anggota polis bagi mengawal setiap 100 penduduk

Pemerintahan kuku itu berakhir berikutan kebangkitan rakyat hingga menyebabkan Ben Ali dan isterinya, Laila Trabelsi yang popular sebagai First Lady dan boros membelanjakan wang rakyat, melarikan diri ke luar negara.

In Malaysia, When in Doubt, Blame the Jews

Posted: 24 Jul 2011 08:47 PM PDT

From http://www.huffingtonpost.com/rabbi-abraham-cooper/malaysia-anti-semitism_b_903767.html
By Rabbi Abraham Cooper

On July 9, 20,000 Malaysians gathered in Kuala Lumpur to demand more transparency in electoral laws in connection with next year’s national elections.

Police unleashed tear gas and chemical-laced water on the demonstrators and temporarily detained nearly 1,700 of them. According to reports, authorities also detained six opposition activists without trial and accused them of trying to use the rally to spread communism. Police said they found T-shirts and other materials linked to communist figures.

Apparently, these measures didn’t suffice for some of Malaysia’s nervous ruling elite. The editors of Utusan Malaysia, owned by Prime Minister Najib Razak’s United Malays National Organization ruling party (UMNO), defaulted to a time-tested maneuver: When in doubt, blame the Jews!

The Jews? Most citizens of the overwhelmingly Asian economic giant have never and will likely never meet a Jew in their lifetime. And yet the folks at Utusan Malaysia, which is influential among Muslims in rural areas who rely on government-linked media to shape their worldview, are apparently confident warnings about a “Jewish plot” would resonate in a land without Jews.

To understand why, you need only look at the track record of the man who dominated his nation for a quarter of a century, Malaysia’s fourth prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad.

Mahathir was credited with engineering Malaysia’s rapid modernization and spectacular economic growth. He was a dominant political figure, winning five consecutive general elections. He also used his political clout and controversial laws to detain activists and political opponents.

And Mahathir is an anti-Semite.

Back in 1970, in his treatise on Malay identity, “The Malay Dilemma,” he wrote: “The Jews are not only hooked-nosed … but understand money instinctively. … Jewish stinginess and financial wizardry gained them the economic control of Europe and provoked antisemitism which waxed and waned throughout Europe through the ages.”

In August 1984, a visit by the New York Philharmonic Orchestra was canceled when his Information Minister demanded that music by composer Ernst Bloch be deleted from the program. His crime? He was a Jew and the selection chosen was based on Hebrew melodies.

In 1986, Mahathir charged “Zionists” and Jews with attempting to destabilize the country through allegedly Jewish-controlled media. He subsequently banned The Asia Wall Street Journal for three months describing the publication as “Jewish owned.” In the 1990s, Mahathir used the Malaysian news agency, Bernama, to accuse Australian Jewry of conspiring to topple him.

Mahathir, who made Islam a central component of Malaysian identity, made this chilling charge in 1997: “We are Moslems, and the Jews are not happy to see Moslems progress.”

Perhaps that would help explain the resounding ovation which greeted his screed at a Islamic Leadership Conference in 2003: “The Europeans killed 6 million Jews out of 12 million … but today, the Jews rule the world by proxy. They get others to fight and die for them.”

And just last year the elder statesman of anti-Semites said this at a conference: “Jews had always been a problem in European countries. They had been confined in ghettos and periodically massacred. But they still remained and still thrived and held whole governments to ransom. … Even after their massacre by the Nazis in Germany, they survived to be a source of even greater problems to the world.”

All this may help explain why Hitler’s “Mein Kampf” and the infamous “Protocols of the Elders of Zion” are on prominent display at the Malaysian capital’s International Airport.

But there are some signs that in 2011 not everyone is drinking Mahathir’s toxic Kool-Aid. Maria Chin Abdullah, one of the organizers of the mass rally that sought to prevent electoral fraud, charged that Utusan Malaysia’s warning of an alleged Jewish conspiracy was “nonsense that is being spread in very bad taste,” adding, “To rely on this claim of Jewish support is to insult the people’s good intentions of seeking important reforms.”

Perhaps Kuala Lumpur hasn’t paid much attention to the Arab Spring. Maybe its time they did, especially since it was inspired by Muslims demanding more freedom and democracy. It isn’t world Jewry that is driving members of minorities to the streets of Kuala Lumpur, but the failure of a democratic government to provide equal rights and opportunities to all their citizens. It’s time for Malaysian leaders to grow up. Relying on big-lie Jewish conspiracies is no substitute for honest and transparent governance.

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