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KENYATAAN MEDIA AHLI PARLIMEN/DEWAN NEGARA PARTI KEADILAN RAKYAT - 4 MEI 2012 Posted: 06 May 2012 07:53 PM PDT KENYATAAN MEDIA AHLI PARLIMEN/DEWAN NEGARA PARTI KEADILAN RAKYAT 4 MEI 2012 TOLAK BUDAYA FITNAH & LUCAH DALAM POLITIK NEGARA Kami Ahli Parlimen/Dewan Negara Parti Keadilan Rakyat menolak keras dan mengecam politik  fitnah dan tuduhan jahat media pro-UMNO terhadap Timbalan Presiden KEADILAN, YB. Azmin Ali atas tuduhan kononnya beliau terlibat dalam adegan lucah yang sudahpun dipapar dengan cara yang tidak bermaruah dan bermoral oleh beberapa media cetak dan paparan media elektronik. Kami mendesak agar pihak-pihak yang membuat tuduhan dan menyiarkan gambar tohmahan tersebut agar meminta maaf dengan kadar yang segera terhadap Timbalan Presiden KEADILAN atas fitnah jahat yang merupakan percubaan bersiri dalam usaha mereka untuk menjatuhkan reputasi pimpinan Pakatan Rakyat apatah lagi tatkala rangkaian dan pimpinan UMNO/BN gagal menjawab isu-isu berkepentingan rakyat seumpama isu NFC, isu PTPTN dan isu harga barang naik. Ini adalah bukti rangkaian pimpinan UMNO/BN cuba untuk mengalihkan pandangan rakyat terhadap isu korupsi dan kelemahan pentadbiran mereka. Isu gambar dan imej lucah yang didakwa sebagai kononnya Timbalan Presiden KEADILAN sengaja didedahkan di media blog pro-UMNO/BN boleh disifatkan sebagai cubaan niat jahat politik untuk meruntuhkan kredibiliti pimpinan kanan Pakatan Rakyat. Kita persoalkan tindakan mereka yang menggunakan media blog berbanding membuat laporan polis jika benar wujud gambar lucah yang disebar secara haram tersebut. Tindakan menyiarkan gambar lucah diblog berbanding membuat laporan polis adalah mengesahkan niat jahat politik secara terancang yang dilakukan melalui media pro-UMNO/BN dalam mengaibkan maruah pimpinan Pakatan Rakyat. Kebangkitan rakyat pada BERSIH 3.0 dan menolak UMNO/BN telah mempercepatkan penyebaran gambar dan imej lucah Timbalan Presiden KEADILAN dalam siri tohmahan media pro-UMNO/BN bagi memperlahankan momentum sokongan rakyat terhadap Pakatan Rakyat. Ternyata tindakan mereka ini gagal kerana rakyat dan anak muda semakin meluat dengan politik lucah dan seks tajaan media pro-UMNO/BN berbanding politik fakta, hujah dan perlaksanaan kebajikan rakyat oleh Pakatan Rakyat di Selangor, Pulau Pinang, Kedah & Kelantan. Kami mendesak agar pihak polis menyiasat penyebaran tuduhan gambar lucah tersebut dan siapa individu atau kumpulan yang bertanggungjawab dalam menyebarkan bahan imej lucah tersebut secara haram dikalangan masyarakat yang tidakpun memberikan erti kepada pembangunan minda dan politik rakyat secara bersih. Tindakan penyebaran gambar lucah dan seks adalah suatu jenayah yang perlu diambil tindakan oleh pihak polis dan badan yang berkaitan. Ahli - Ahli Parlimen/Dewan Negara Parti Keadilan Rakyat & Pengerusi-Pengerusi Majlis Pimpinan KEADILAN Negeri

INTERIM REPORT – International Fact-Finding Mission on Elections in Malaysia, 25-29 April 2012 Posted: 06 May 2012 07:49 PM PDT LINK FROM:-http://kpru2010.files.wordpress.com/2012/05/international-fact-finding-mission-april-2012.pdf 1 INTERIM REPORT – International Fact-Finding Mission on Elections in Malaysia, 25-29 April 2012 EXPLANATORY NOTE This is the Interim Report of the International Observer Group which conducted a Fact-Finding Mission on Elections in Malaysia, 25-29 April 2012. The Report is reproduced here in the form in which it was completed by the members of the Group on 29 April 2012. Copies were transmitted to, and comments invited from, the Chairman of the Electoral Commission of Malaysia, the Government of Malaysia, the leadership of the Malaysian Opposition, BERSIH (Gabungan Pilihanraya Bersih dan Adil), and the Malaysian Bar Council. Copies were subsequently made available online to all other interested parties.1 1 For electronic copies, see the Friedrich Naumann Foundation Regional Office for Southeast and East Asia (www.fnfasia.org), the Office of the Independent Senator for South Australia, Senator Nick Xenophon (http://www.aph.gov.au/Senators_and_Members/Parliamentarian?MPID=8IV), and others. 2 Letter of Transmittal 29 April 2012 We have the pleasure in sending you the Interim Report of the International Observer Group which conducted a Fact-Finding Mission on Elections in Malaysia from 25-29 April 2012. You are invited to examine this Report and provide comments on or before 10 May 2012. The final report will be prepared within twenty one (21) days after submissions have been received. Our aim, simply expressed, is to help governments and institutions make better decisions in the long-term interest of Malaysia. We hope that this report will be of assistance to the people of Malaysia and that it will assist in strengthening Malaysia's democracy in the years to come. Yours sincerely, The Members of the International Observer Group on Elections in Malaysia: Mr Mobashar Jawed Akbar, Republic of India. Senator Mir Hasil Khan Bizenjo, Islamic Republic of Pakistan. Dr Clinton Fernandes, Commonwealth of Australia. Ms Juliane Schmucker, Federal Republic of Germany. Dr Mohamad Nasir Tamara Tamimi, Republic of Indonesia. Dean Amado D. Valdez, Republic of the Philippines. Senator Nick Xenophon, Commonwealth of Australia. 3 Contents Chapter One – Introduction Chapter Two – The Electoral Framework Chapter Three – The Campaign Chapter Four – The Poll, Count and Results Process 4 Chapter One – Introduction Invitation The invitation to conduct this Fact-Finding Mission came from the Office of the Leader of the Opposition in mid-April 2012. Members of the Group were invited in their individual capacities and it was made clear that the views they expressed would be their own and not those of their respective governments or institutions. They subsequently confirmed their intentions to constitute an International Observer Group in order to conduct a fact-finding mission. Having been given the necessary assurances on access and after establishing that there would be broad support for its presence, the Group then conducted a Pre-Election Fact-Finding Mission in Malaysia from 25-29 April 2012. Terms of Reference The Terms of Reference of the Group were as follows: The International Observer Group will conduct a pre-election Fact-Finding Mission on Elections in Malaysia from 25-29 April 2012. The Group will focus on the federal elections in the House of Representatives. The Group is to act impartially and independently and shall conduct itself according to the standards expressed in the International Declaration of Principles, to which the Commonwealth, of which Malaysia is a member, is a signatory. The Group is to gather information concerning the laws, processes and institutions related to elections and the overall electoral environment. The Group is to analyse such information impartially and offer recommendations to improve the integrity of elections and the overall electoral environment. The Group will be process oriented; it will not be concerned with any particular electoral result. Members of the Group will be free from political, economic or other conflicts of interest that may interfere with accurate and impartial observations. Members of the Group will not accept payment or support (other than basic logistical support) from any stakeholder in the Malaysian elections. The Group is to consider the laws, practices and institutions related to:  The credibility of the electoral rolls.  The integrity of the postal voting system.  The appropriateness of an absentee voting system.  The appropriateness of a Caretaker Convention in the Malaysian context.  The electorate's access to information during the election campaign.  Prevention of slander/defamation of election candidates. 5  The conduct of the electoral process in the areas of voting, counting and declaration of results. The Group is to determine in its own judgment based on facts gathered whether the elections can be conducted according to the standards for democratic elections to which Malaysia has committed itself, with reference to national election-related legislation and relevant regional, Commonwealth and other international commitments. The Group has no executive role. It may only propose recommendations for change on institutional, procedural and other matters as would assist the holding of elections. The Group is to submit its report to the Chairman of the Election Commission of Malaysia, the Government of Malaysia, the leadership of the Malaysian Opposition, BERSIH (Gabungan Pilihanraya Bersih dan Adil), and the Malaysian Bar Council. The report is to be made available online subsequently to all interested parties. Activities of the Group Members of the Group began arriving from 24 April 2012 onwards. They traveled to various locations in Kuala Lumpur, Selangor and Putrajaya. They met a range of stakeholders including:  Datuk Wira Hj. Wan Ahmad Bin Wan Omar, the Deputy Chairman of the Election Commission.  Dato' Seri Mohamed Nazri Bin Abdul Aziz, Minister in the Prime Minister's Department.  Datuk Seri Tengku Adnan B. Tengku Mansor, Secretary-General of the United Malays National Organisation and Secretary-General of the Barisan Nasional.  Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Leader of the Opposition.  Tan Sri Mohamed Khalid Ibrahim, Menteri Besar of Selangor State Government.  Maria Chin Abdullah, a representative of BERSIH (Gabungan Pilihanraya Bersih dan Adil). Members of the Group held a press conference on 29 April 2012. They released this Interim Report at the press conference. They left Malaysia shortly thereafter. 6 Chapter Two – The Electoral Framework The legal framework governing parliamentary elections in Malaysia consists of the Federal Constitution, the Election Offences Act 1954, the Election Commission Act 1957, and the Elections Act 1958 & Regulations (1959, 1981, 2002, 2003). Related to this, other Acts of Parliament should be considered, insofar as they have a direct impact on the conduct of election campaigns. These Acts include the Police Act 1967, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009, the Printing and Publications Act 1984 and the Sedition Act 1948. Constitutional background Malaysia is a federation of 13 states. The capital, Kuala Lumpur, the administrative capital, Putrajaya, and the island of Labuan are separate Federal Territories. The country is divided into 137 administrative districts. The Malaysian Constitution describes the powers of the executive, the legislature and the judiciary. The head of state, or Supreme Head of Malaysia, is a monarch (Yang di-Pertuan Agong), elected for a five-year term (with a Deputy head of state) by and from the hereditary rulers of nine of the states. The monarch acts on the advice of Parliament and the Cabinet. The head of state appoints the Prime Minister and, on the latter's recommendation, other ministers. The Cabinet is responsible to Parliament. Parliament consists of the Dewan Negara (Senate) and the Dewan Rakyat (House of Representatives). The Senate has 70 members. The head of state appoints 44 of them and the 13 State Legislative Assemblies choose two each. The House of Representatives has 222 members (increased from 219 at the March 2008 general election), elected for five years by universal adult suffrage: 165 from Peninsular Malaysia (including 11 from Kuala Lumpur and one from Putrajaya), 31 from Sarawak and 26 from Sabah (including one from Labuan). The Election Commission The Election Commission is empowered under article 113 of the Federal Constitution to conduct elections to the House of Representatives and the Legislative Assemblies of the States and prepare and revise electoral rolls for such elections. It is also empowered to delineate electoral constituencies and to recommend changes to the delineation of these constituencies. The 13th Schedule to the Constitution, Part I, 2 (c) provides for the number of electors within each constituency in a State 'to be approximately equal except that, having regard to the greater difficulty of reaching electors in the country districts and the other disadvantages facing rural constituencies, a measure of weightage for area ought to be given to such constituencies.' The International Observer Group considers that the term 'a measure of weightage' permits unacceptably wide latitude in constituency delineation. This can lead to mal-apportionment of constituencies (also known as a gerrymander). Dato' Seri Mohamed Nazri Bin Abdul 7 Aziz, Minister in the Prime Minister's Department, confirmed that while the Malaysian election system enshrined the principle of 'everyone having one vote,' it did not enshrine the principle of 'everyone's vote being of equal value.' The Group recommends that the Government take steps to reduce the difficulty of reaching electors in the country districts. Members from rural constituencies should be given extra resources (staffing, transport, allowances and infrastructure) to enable them to reach their electors. In the longer term, steps should be taken to reduce the 'other disadvantages facing rural constituencies.' In addition, the Election Commission confirmed that certain constituencies, although not rural at all, have a much smaller number of voters than others. Putrajaya, with only approximately 7,000 voters, was cited as one such example by the Deputy Chairman of the Election Commission, compared with over 100,000 voters in some other constituencies. The Group notes that the 13th Schedule to the Constitution, Part I, 3A, provides for Putrajaya to be regarded as a State. Since 2 (a) of Part I states that 'constituencies ought to be delimited so that they do not cross State boundaries,' the only feasible option for the voters of Putrajaya to preserve the spirit and letter of 2 (c) of Part I (and thus not be significantly over-represented) may be to not regard Putrajaya as a State but to absorb it within the boundaries of a neighbouring constituency. Other non-rural constituencies should also be audited and redrawn as necessary so that they may be delineated fairly, preserving the spirit and letter of 2 (c) of Part I of the 13th Schedule to the Constitution. Some of the Group's interlocutors expressed concern at the large increase in the number of voters in certain constituencies (largely held by members of the Opposition). They suggested that these voters may be allocated to these constituencies in order to enable government candidates to win elections. The Election Commission rejected this view. It stated that its initiative in aggressively promoting and calling out to register as voters, and the publicity surrounding the general elections were the main factors contributing to the increase in the number of voters. However, concern has been raised by a number of interlocutors that some of these increases could not be credibly explained. The Election Commission advised that 'in some constituencies, the increase in total registration was rather high, exceeding 30% in some cases compared to the number of electors in 2008. This includes constituencies such as P.107 Subang (34%), P. 158 Tebrau (34%), P.111 Kota Raja (33%), P.086 Pekan (33%) and P. 032 Gua Musang (30%).' The Group notes that the rapid increase is not confined exclusively to Opposition-held constituencies. However, to allay concerns that the increase in registration may have some nefarious purpose, the Group recommends that the Election Commission should constitute its own verification team. It needs to physically verify the identities of the new voters in order to build public confidence in the democratic process. Some of the Group's interlocutors expressed concern about the length of the campaign period in the election timetable. In the 2008 elections, the time period from the Nomination Day to Election Day was eleven days. Such a short timeframe disenfranchises hundreds of thousands of Malaysians who are out of the country as well as those who are away from their registered voting address. 8 The Group notes that at the time of writing this report, the Election Commission has not announced the timetable for the next election. According to an Election Commission statement, the campaign period for the forthcoming period will be at least seven days long. The Group recommends that there should be a reasonable time of not less than 21 days to inform the voters of the relevant campaign issues and to allow them to arrange travels to their registered voting constituencies. The Group discussed the absence of a Caretaker Convention with Dato' Seri Mohamed Nazri Bin Abdul Aziz, Minister in the Prime Minister's Department responsible for electoral matters. The Minister explained in general terms that the Government's preference in these and other matters was for the Westminster model as practiced in the United Kingdom. The Group recommends that the Caretaker Convention as practiced in the United Kingdom be introduced. Several of the Group's interlocutors raised allegations of tens of thousands of doubtful voters being on the electoral roll. The Group raised these allegations with the Election Commission, which explained that the National Registration Department advised it in September 2011 that of the total of 12.5 million electors, there were 42,051 names of electors about whom it did not have clear and reliable information. This means that these 42,051 electors cannot be contacted because their addresses are not recorded, and that they had not been to any of the NRD offices to update their status. Accordingly, the Election Commission decided to categorize the 42,051 electors as doubtful. The Commission further explained that on 28 March 2012, the NRD informed it that the number of electors with dubious status was reduced to 40,803 people. This is due to the fact that there had been individuals who went to the NRD to update the information on their identity cards while others, as heirs, came forward with evidence to the NRD on the death of family members or their relatives. According to the advice provided to the Group by the Election Commission, there still remain 40,803 electors of dubious status. The Group notes that at all times there is a need to weigh the risk of denying a vote to a legitimate voter who might be an 'elector of dubious status' against the risk of electoral fraud. Currently, not enough weighting is given to the latter consideration. The Group recommends that the Election Commission should constitute its own verification team. It recommends that the Commission should conduct its own physical verification, including door-knocking if necessary, in order to ensure that only legitimate voters are on the rolls and that there are no 'electors of dubious status.' The Group considered the issue of the independence of the Election Commission. It notes that Article 114 (2) of the Constitution deals with 'the importance of securing an Election Commission which enjoys public confidence.' The Election Commission confirmed that it understood the importance of public confidence. The Deputy Chairman of the Commission expressed his personal view that no member of the Commission ought to belong to a political party. He stated that to the best of his understanding no current member of the current Election Commission belongs to a political party. The Group welcomes this assurance. The Group has identified a problem concerning voters who come from Sarawak and Sabah but are working in Peninsular Malaysia. They face special difficulties in going back home to vote. The Deputy Chairman of the Election Commission advised the Group, 'That is the 9 reality in Malaysia. They should change their registration. We proposed that Parliament should legislate to introduce postal voting for people in Sabah and Sarawak. Our proposal was not accepted.' The Group has also identified a more general problem of Malaysian voters who are required to go back to their registered constituency to vote. The Election Commission stated, 'There is high mobility in Malaysia. So voters must go back to their voting addresses to vote. No absentee voting is possible.' The Group recommends that Parliament should legislate to enable absentee voting. The Group considered the issue of voters who have not updated their voting addresses. The Election Commission advised the Group that approximately three million voters may have changed their details held by the National Registration Department but have not updated their voting addresses, and are therefore not on the electoral roll. The International Observer Group asked the Election Commission about the possibility of automatic registration. The Election Commission advised that there is no automatic registration in Malaysia. The Group recommends that appropriate legislation be enacted to introduce automatic registration. The Group expresses deep concerns about the postal voting system. In particular, it sees no reason why the 240,000 election workers who will be deployed during the forthcoming campaign cannot conduct early voting. To require them to engage in postal voting is to expose the system to the possibility of massive electoral fraud. Accordingly, the Group recommends that the 240,000 election workers be required to vote early and not by postal voting. 10 Chapter Three – The Campaign Parity of media coverage Some of the Group's interlocutors expressed the strong view that there needed to be laws or conventions to ensure that political parties receive parity of coverage during an election campaign. National politics, particularly during the heightened atmosphere of an election campaign, is heavily influenced by media coverage. In the contemporary age, national politics is played out on national television. The Election Commission advised that the power to control the media during the election is not under the authority and responsibility of the Commission. The Group concludes that the absence of a law or a widely accepted convention requiring the media to provide equal access to all parties contesting the elections is a serious concern. The Group believes that it is in the public interest to provide fair and balanced coverage in order to ensure that voters have the opportunity to make an informed decision. The Group notes that the Constitution provides the Election Commission with wide latitude in the conduct of the electoral process. Even in the absence of a legal provision, the Group recommends that the Election Commission exercises its moral and persuasive authority by releasing a report on each day of the campaign as to its view regarding whether the national television stations (publicly and privately owned) have provided balanced coverage over that 24 hour period. The Group recommends that government-owned electronic media be required to provide fair and balanced coverage of the election campaign including time for party political broadcasts (similar to the system in the UK, which Minister Nazri confirmed was the government's preferred point of reference). The government has the absolute authority to issue broadcasting and publication licenses. The Group concludes that restrictions in relation to newspapers and newsletters are draconian because they prevent alternative views from being heard. The Group recommends that these restrictions be lifted. The Group notes that Article 115 (2) of the Constitution states that 'All public authorities shall on the request of the [Election] Commission give the Commission such assistance in the discharge of its duties as may be practicable.' Some of the Group's interlocutors offered the opinion that this provision might empower the Commission to compel the state-owned media to give parity of coverage to political parties during the election campaign. The Deputy Chairman of the Election Commission did not share this opinion. His view was that Article 115 (2) of the Constitution empowered the Election Commission to obtain 'logistical assistance only.' Nonetheless, to clear all doubts on this matter, the Group recommends clear legislation to require the state-owned media to give parity of coverage to political parties during the election campaign. 11 Vilification of candidates Concern was expressed to the Group that candidates are often vilified by sections of the media during the course of an election campaign. The Group believes that the absence of regulatory law or precedents in this regard can be a problem. There was apprehension that the content of the campaign could be open to the use of scurrilous accusations in the absence of a well-defined code of conduct. The Group was assured by the Deputy Chairman of the Election Commission that slander and other vilification would not be allowed. The Group welcomes this assurance. The International Observer Group held valuable discussions with Datuk Seri Tengku Adnan B. Tengku Mansor, Secretary-General of the United Malays National Organisation and Secretary-General of the Barisan Nasional. He stressed the importance of 'avoiding racial strife' and asked, 'Are our people mature for freedom?' Commenting on political developments in Indonesia, he offered the view that 'One of the problems with Indonesia is that there is too much freedom.' It is the view of the Group that these comments are disturbing, and that they reflect the authoritarian attitudes at the highest levels of power. 12 Chapter Four – The Poll, Count and Results Process The International Observer Group is committed to the integrity of the election rather than to a political party or candidate. It notes that the Parliamentary Select Committee into electoral matters in Paragraph 13.3 of its Report was of the unanimous view that there should be further investigations into dubious electoral rolls such as in the state of Sabah as well as recommending the establishment of a Royal Commission of Inquiry to achieve the aim of an electoral roll that is recognized as honest by all parties prior to the implementation of proposed automatic registration of voters. To date, the Government has failed to act on this key and serious recommendation despite the fact that Government MPs also supported it. The Group recommends that a Royal Commission of Inquiry be established in accordance with the Parliamentary Select Committee's Report as a matter of urgency. The Group identified the problem that following a recent legislative amendment, for the coming elections, political party agents are no longer allowed in the voter verification booth. In the 2008 elections up to four people could be appointed to check voter identification in order to prevent phantom voting. According to the government, the reason for that amendment was that 'the attendance of observers at the booths causes difficulties to the election workers in performing their duties.' The Group was of the view that this amendment alone would increase the risk of electoral fraud. Some of the Group's interlocutors raised the issue of traceability of votes through the recording of identification card and ballot serial numbers. Other interlocutors stated that this practice occurred in the 2004 election but not in the 2008 election. The Group hopes that the recent legislative amendments preventing party agents from being present at voter verification booths will not compromise the principle of voter anonymity. The Group recommends re-establishing the presence of voter verification agents to ensure that only registered citizens are able to cast their vote. The Group also heard disturbing, first-hand testimony from a former senior military officer of apparently widespread practices during the 2008 election. This individual, who requested anonymity, indicated that military personnel's votes could be easily traced given the procedures adopted within the military of forms being completed and certified in the presence of an officer. This witness stated: 'There was a definite fear factor amongst the soldiers that if they did not vote for the government they could be victimized because they knew that their vote could be traced. Troops would discuss this in front of me. I and other officers would say "You can vote any way you want." Troops would laugh and say "Who will give us protection if we're traced?... It was common and widespread knowledge amongst military personnel that they knew they could face retribution if they voted the wrong way.' The Group recommends that the postal vote system for military personnel be reformed and protocols changed to ensure fair practice.

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Anwar Ibrahim

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• Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim Press Conference at Kuching Airport
• Rakaman Ceramah Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim Di Sri Aman, Sarawak 5/5/2012
• Road to Malaysia’s Day Of Destiny

Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim Press Conference at Kuching Airport Posted: 06 May 2012 07:50 AM PDT

Rakaman Ceramah Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim Di Sri Aman, Sarawak 5/5/2012 Posted: 06 May 2012 07:45 AM PDT

Road to Malaysia’s Day Of Destiny Posted: 05 May 2012 10:48 PM PDT Malaysiakini By Bridget Welsh With well over 100,000 people gathering last week for electoral reform in the largest street protest in the nation’s history – and the event marred by violence by both state and non-state actors alike – Malaysian politics has reached an important impasse. The Bersih 3.0 rally and its aftermath reveal that the path ahead for Malaysian politics will grow even more contentious and complex. As the different 'Bersih stories’ pour in, ranging from 'ordinary’ heroism to the darker accounts of beatings and abuse of power, the move of Malaysian politics outside of the realm of elite to the streets and social media is both empowering and scary. Prime Minister Najib Razak’s decision not to accommodate the concerns of the protesters last week, and even to demonise their actions, now prods Malaysia further along the road to its day of destiny, where the political fate of Malaysia’s 54-year government will be determined. So far, the routes chosen are one of confrontation rather than compromise, making resolution to differences even more difficult. Before the rally, I argued that four actors would shape politics around Bersih 3.0 – the youth, the middle class, the police and East Malaysians. Of these, three were decisive on rally day itself (the latter will grow more so as elections approach). The youth and the middle-class attended the rally in large numbers, marking a new generation’s engagement with politics and transforming a largely apathetic middle class into a more engaged electorate. Those wearing yellow and green included Malaysia’s soccer moms, the shopping mall princesses, disgruntled students, retirees and usually reticent professionals. These individuals comprised those who had for years enjoyed the air-conditioned comfort of Malaysia’s success, yet with different levels of concern and angst chose to brave Kuala Lumpur’s hot and humid conditions on April 28. It was uncomfortable, but overwhelmingly, this embrace of discomfort shows how engaged Malaysians are with hot-button political issues and their willingness to stand up and be counted. They were there because they see the country moving in the wrong direction and wanted to make it right. At the very least, the Bersih rally revealed the shortcomings of the country’s leaders in addressing the concerns of a large, important and increasing number of its citizens. Much of the attention focused on the third actor, the police, whose over-the-top actions in the use of tear gas and their attacks on journalists have permanently stained their reputation among those connected to the rally. For those not at the rally, the picture is less clear as the mainstream media has manipulated the event in an attempt to snatch the moral high ground, with the government going as far as censoring the international media and destroying cameras. Often the characterisation of police action has been one of black and white, where in actual fact there is much more gray, and views are evolving as more and more stories are shared. Questions will remain about the breaching of the barricade, and unless a truly independent party investigates, the 'he said, she said’ dynamic will be rife with conspiracy theories that breed confusion and suspicion rather than promote genuine respect for the rule of law. Ultimately, Malaysian voters will decide on who ordered what and why, as the truth cannot be censored with over 100,000 Malaysians from all walks of life sharing their experiences back inside their air-conditioned homes through a social network that directly and indirectly touched over half of the electorate. Different narratives Bersih 3.0 was a nationalistic event, a moment of patriotism. What is striking to see are two conflicting 'Save Malaysia’ narratives that have emerged. The first is one that is shared by rally attendees and its supporters as those who braved the tear gas decided to come out to 'save’ the country. This vision is one in which the event becomes a turning point towards greater freedom and empowerment. The symbolism of Dataran Merdeka runs deep as this nationalist narrative is one of rights and fairness. The core of electoral reform involves guaranteeing that the voice of the people is heard fairly and freely. As such, for Bersih supporters attending the rally, it was about this democratic image for the country as it hopes to move towards a stronger system based on integrity and inclusion. This stands in stark contrast to the alternative image based on a more reactionary nationalism, one in which the threat is defined as the protesters, ordinary people, who are challenging the status quo. They were portrayed as attacking the country, first on the police force and then later the incumbent system as a whole. This government-linked 'image building’ has attempted to showcase the protesters as national security threats (needing barbed wire), immoral actors who are 'dirty’ rather than clean. Embedded in this narrative is the image that the protestors are anti-Malay, initially as attackers of the Malay police force and later as supposedly immoral individuals. It is hate-speech that is reminiscent of regimes that feed on fear and hold onto power through exclusion. Also weaved into this narrative is the image of destabilising reformasi proponent fighting for power in the form of Anwar Ibrahim, who is ironically attacked even further in what can be seen as an effort to bring back the Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s base of supporters into Najib’s political fold. The efforts to stoke hatred of the Bersih movement and its supporters, especially opposition leaders, are extensive, involving the manipulation of the foreign media and threats against journalists and observers, such as Australia’s Senator Nicholas Xenophon. This narrative is about using racism and fear, hoping to tap into underlying conservatism and relying heavily on state power to hold onto power. This is all couched in an alternative narrative of patriotism, where Dataran Merdeka is portrayed as the place where challengers to power are putting the country governed by the BN under attack. For the democratic nationalists in this equation, Bersih 3.0 was a mass rebellion. It was attacked, put down and described in such a manner that will build anger. The calls for Bersih 4.0 are already being voiced among supporters. For the reactionary nationalists, Bersih 3.0 represents a revolutionary event that they have chosen to demonise, not fully realising that in doing so they are sowing the seeds of further discontent. Supporters on this pole are demanding for arrests, with Bersih leaders and opposition activists top of the list, as they are blinded by authoritarian tools used in the Mahathir era that are outdated in Malaysia’s more mature polity. Four fundamental mistakes The reason that these narratives are so different is a continued misreading of Bersih 3.0. There are four fundamental mistakes that the reactionary nationalists made about the Bersih rally. First of all, they continue to equate the movement with the opposition. This stems from a deep-seated fear of Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim. While both Pakatan Rakyat and the civil society-led Bersih movement share some common interests in reform, as do the overwhelming majority of Malaysians from across the political divide, they are not the same. Bersih represents a broad social movement that goes beyond opposition political leaders, and arguably even the Bersih leaders themselves. It is about reform in governance and better representation, including on the part of opposition parties. This expansion of civil society into places such as Kota Kinabalu and Ipoh, as well as broadening within Kuala Lumpur itself, illustrates the new people-oriented politics of Malaysia. Elites on both sides will have to accommodate a more active and engaged public. The days when people blindly follow the leaders or go to the streets for personalities alone are gone. Attacks on individual politicians in the wake of the rally just reveal a complete misunderstanding of the movement. The second mistake of the reactionary nationalists is that Bersih 3.0 is about separate groups of Malaysians divided by ethnicity, organised by clearly ethnically divided groups. While ethnic identity remains important for Malaysian politics, for rally goers this was not about race, but about the country. The consistent theme is one of Malaysian identity, where one of the rally’s theme songs was 'Negaraku’. The impact of this public move to embrace non-ethnic politics is profound. In March 2008, voting across ethnic lines was largely private. The reality of common purpose came when the results came out. Many of the motivations of March 2008 – Hindraf, religious rights and more – were ethnic in nature. Bersih 3.0 was markedly different. It was about a common purpose, where ethnicity was put aside in favour of community building. Bersih 3.0 was arguably the largest trust-building event in Malaysia’s history after Merdeka. Malays, Chinese, Indians, Kadazans, Ibans and more met each other, shared laughter, water, sweets, salt… and tears. (The spillover is that it helps build trust among many opposition supporters who came to the rally, as well as the middle-ground Malaysians who met die-hard opposition members for the first time. For PAS in particular, perhaps the biggest success was its Amal security units, which were seen protecting rally-goers across races.) After years of movement towards differences, towards less understanding, this was put aside on a hot afternoon. Bersih 3.0 has set in place conditions where trust building among ordinary people can grow stronger. Ironically, the reactionary nationalists have underestimated the dissipation of fear in Malaysian politics. This is their third mistake. The bravery among Malaysians is growing. You do not need to look at the numbers of the crowd, although this should not be ignored. You do not need to even look at the leaders of the movement or the examples of police officers who offered helping hands to rally goers while some of their peers were abusing their positions. Malaysians are increasingly willing to take ownership of their future and are willing to do so again. Conservatively, the size of Bersih 3.0 doubled in less than a year. The authorities are fooling themselves if they think that these people will not stand up again. Bersih conservatively directly touched over 20 percent of the electorate and indirectly much more. The large participation of young people is especially important as they are traditionally the strongest risk-takers. One student remarked to me afterwards how the taste of the tear gas the second time was sweeter and she was ready for more. Yes, a she. This is a less fearful Malaysia, and a more angrier one. Finally, the reactionary nationalists appear to be mistakenly ignoring the issue behind the rally – electoral reform. Polling conducted in late 2011 shows before Bersih 3.0 that only a third of citizens think the electoral process is fair and free – very much in line with the Umno hardcore. Whatever people think about the tactics and individuals in Bersih – and views differ – the overwhelming majority of Malaysians see a problem with the electoral system. The government should bear in mind that globally, the single most important event that triggers political transitions is a fraudulent election. If the BN goes to the polls under the circumstances that are already widely seen to be unfair and lacking integrity, they are miscalculating the underlying sentiments of a growing number of people about the core issue of the rally. They will be seen to be illegitimate by a large share of the population. This size of the rally should be sending clear signals to leaders to properly engage in electoral reform. Anything else will be seen by many as a desperate measure to hold onto power rather than a genuine mandate of a leader. No compromises, only confrontation Attention has centred on the timing of the polls. It looks more and more likely that these will occur as early as next month. Najib, over the past week, has embraced a hardline position, with an attempt to unite his base and papering over the divisions within Umno. The media inundation of a turned-over car and the resultant violence aims to bring the rural base back into the BN fold. To add onto this, the hardline efforts involving personal attacks – with bizarre photos bordering on pornography on the front-page of national newspapers and complete fabrications of speeches – reflects the beginnings of an assault on the opposition and international observers. These tactics coupled with the embedded advantages in the electoral system and support from East Malaysia appear to form the strategy that is perceived to bring a BN victory, albeit one that will be highly contentious. To follow the path of confrontation rather than compromise is very risky. First of all, it ignores the elephant in the room associated with elections, the need for the elections to be seen as legitimate. To date, the government’s outreach to Bersih is missing and genuine avenues for electoral reform remain unexplored. While Bersih faces the challenge of illustrating the need for reforms and moving the movement forward, its central message has resonated among many Malaysians. The greater the demonisation and distancing away from Bersih, the harder compromise is possible. Second, it assumes that Najib can control the actors who are carrying out hardline manoeuvres. Already the Umno-linked New Straits Times has been internationally shamed. How many other institutions will have to compromise themselves in this battle for power, in which more authoritarian measures are adopted? What makes the current environment complex for the current leadership is that even its own actors on the BN side have become more non-state in nature and are increasingly mobilised, making this move toward legitimising hardline approaches even more risky. Letting this sort of politics rule reflects on the leadership. Physics teaches us that with every action there is another reaction. Hardline options provoke hardline responses. This dynamic will serve to polarise the electorate into political camps and harden positions in these camps. The days of polarisation of families post-1999 reformasi are coming again, but with even greater intensity given the mobilisation of the young. Finally, this apparent choice by Najib to embrace the hardline political path will make it even harder to bring about any reform in any realm. To de-link economic reform from political change is unviable. There is a need to implement the rule of law fairly to promote the economy, and this involves a fair and unbiased investigation. To give in to the hardline political position will undermine economic reform and contribute to the bad practices of using resources to win political allies rather than in building a sustainable and inclusive economy. Indeed, the miscalculations of a growing social movement by reactionary nationalists will make Najib’s national leadership even more vulnerable. The title was inspired by a Bersih 3.0 protester, whose remarks on BBC was censored by local satellite TV station Astro.

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AJ’s “THOUGHTS” on the unwound share swap and “COST SAVING” Posted: 06 May 2012 12:14 AM PDT It would be interesting to know En Ahmad Jauhari Yahya (AJ)’s “thoughts” about the said secret share swap and from his thoughts we could see what his so-called “Business Plan” was all about: Whether AJ’s “Business Plan” is to save MAS or AirAsia? Below was AJ’s latest circular: CIRCULAR FROM GROUP CEO To:             All Staff [...]

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MOH...KITE LAWAN YEOP!!!

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Siapa Arah Rempuh Kawat Berduri | BERSIH 3.0 Posted: 06 May 2012 02:32 AM PDT

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Anwar Ibrahim

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• Spring Comes To Malaysia
• Paris Papers: Perimekar Just A Travel Agency
• EC Lies To International Fact Finding Mission Group About Postal Voter Proposal
• Let The People Govern, We Must Represent The Conscience Of The Rakyat

Spring Comes To Malaysia Posted: 05 May 2012 01:33 PM PDT M.J. Akbar Chief Editor India Today   Anyone can get angry. But to rise in anger, it helps to be young. The young constitute the heart of any uprising for two good reasons. They have not yet had time to compromise. Their mobility is still unhampered by the usual constraints, otherwise known as the litany of social security that keeps us locked into the conventional, of job, family, property. The second reason is more interesting. The most important stimulant in the complex mix that instigates a mass movement is hope, not anger. Hope is the positive face of anger. The first two decades of the 21st century will be remembered as the season of volcanic rage across those parts of the world subdued into stagnation in the name of isms [faith, economic philosophy, patriotism] that were often nothing more than pathetic alibis for authoritarian exploitation by local elites. There is a frisson in the air that is reminiscent of the first half of the 20th century, when there was turbulence against colonial power. This time the post-colonial world is challenging those who have usurped authority and denied their people the essence of ferment: freedom. Freedom is not merely independence from foreign rule. It is, equally, freedom from local dictatorship. Anger, by its nature, is a spur to violence. Remarkably, today's young, from Africa to Asia, have understood what Gandhi foresaw more than a century ago, when the thought was too novel to be considered credible: that non-violence is far more dangerous to the establishment than violence. Violence is a tantrum, a surge of passion that serves little except an individual appetite during its momentary flare, and denies a lot beyond. Violence is counter-productive. It frightens the bystander and inhibits the breadth of popular embrace. Violence feeds the trap set by government, which seeks to survive discontent by turning the victim into the culprit. Non-violence challenges a government, but not the state, which is why institutions committed to the state like a national army, are loath to confront it. Gandhi was a steely visionary: he tested the power of non-violence not against a national army but against colonial military officers and bureaucrats who treated Indians as inferior at best, and contemptible at worst. History is witness not only to the superior idea, but also to the astonishing fact that once the terms of change were negotiated between Indians and the British, they became friends. Non-violence heals the wounds of conquest and repression, even as it dismantles an empire. On Saturday 28 April, spring came to Malaysia, as the young emerged from once-static corners of Kuala Lumpur to take the road ahead. Seasons do not change abruptly. Often, they stutter; sometimes, they deceive. Just as there can be a false dawn, there can be a false spring. But there does come a day when fresh grass pushes up from hidden roots, and when all nature, including human nature, can no longer be imprisoned by soulless rationalisation. A spring can even take its cultivators by surprise. Anwar Ibrahim's long winter has included many years lost in the solitary confinement of jail, a campaign of mass-media promoted slander that defies the minimal standards of ethics, and the terrifying exile of seeming hopelessness. As a young Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia, he was once the nominated heir of the patriarch, Mahathir. He was punished for breaking rank in the cause of his conscience. Conscience is generally dismissed as naiveté, or even arrogance that disrupts the collective effort of governance. Anwar Ibrahim, and his extraordinary, courageous wife Azzizah, paid a terrifying price for dissidence. The extended power of the state tested them with a fire that would have incinerated those of less commitment. If they had any hope, it was faith in the people, and in the promise of unabridged democracy. It is exhilarating to see fear evaporate; one minute, it is a hovering fog, and an hour later it has dissipated into receding memory. It was a privilege to witness a seminal moment of change, and to do so alongside a principal author of this metamorphosis. It is easy to theorise that change can be postponed but not prevented, but it requires deep levels of conviction to believe this. As, from morning, the citizen began to congregate; as growing groups gathered the momentum of solidarity; as ethnic differences which had been the reference module of the old politics began to visibly melt; as the space on either side filled from street to roof with Malay Muslims, Chinese Christians, Indian Hindus and Muslims, cheering, urging us on; and even when a ham-handed government tried to incite disarray through teargas and swooping helicopters, you knew that this was a day on which another chapter of history had commenced. The young knew that salvation lay in non-violence. They controlled their anger. And Anwar Ibrahim became Anwar, no mere leader up above but a brother in the emerging joint family of a democratic Malaysia.

Paris Papers: Perimekar Just A Travel Agency Posted: 05 May 2012 01:52 AM PDT Malaysiakini By Kua Kia Soong Having had the privilege of looking at some of the Paris Papers on the Scorpene submarine scandal recently, it behoves me to give anxious landlubbers a 'hitchhiker’s guide’ to this convoluted mesh of payments that have gone on to grease this most expensive (more than RM7 billion) arms purchase in Malaysia’s history. Since Suaram lodged its complaint with the French courts for a judicial review of the Scorpene contract in November 2009, the French prosecutors have certainly been busy with their investigations. They have interviewed officials in the French state-owned defence company, DCN, and related companies such as Thales as well as officials in the French Defence Ministry. They have looked into bank vaults and scrutinised contracts, memoranda of understanding, memoranda of intent, invoices, bank accounts of various people including Abdul Razak Baginda (left in photo), the former close confidant of Prime Minister Najib Razak at the centre of the controversy. There are also some rather telling internal confidential reports of DCN and the French Defence Ministry. So far, the Malaysian Defence Ministry has told Parliament that: The cost of two Scorpene submarines together with logistic support and training was close to 1 billion euros (RM4 billion). Payment to Perimekar, an obscure company owned by Razak Baginda, for “coordination services” was 114 million euros (RM450 million). Malaysian taxpayers will still need to pay even more for maintenance services, support and test equipment, missiles and torpedoes, infrastructure for the submarine base, training of crew, etc. The total bill for these two submarines will be in excess of RM7 billion. But are these two the only transactions in a sordid affair that has claimed the life of a fair Mongolian lass named Altantuya Shaariibuu? Perimeker’s price ‘inflated’ Negotiations on the submarine contract started in 1999. At the time, French defence giant DCN had this view of Perimekar: “The amount to be paid to Perimekar is overvalued. It is not worth it… They are never more than a travel agency… The price is inflated and their support function is very vague… Yes, that company created unfounded wealth for its shareholders.” But this system was created by the Malaysian government so DCN had no choice. Before 2002, when new laws in France and the OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) Convention came into force to make bribing of foreign officials a crime, money used to bribe foreign officials was even tax deductible. Such is the nature of arms deals all over the world. DCN former finance director Gerarde Philippe Maneyas had made a claim for 32 million euros (RM127 million) allegedly used to bribe Malaysian officials for purchase of the Scorpenes. The budget minister had questioned such a large bribe although he did eventually authorise the tax break. With the new French law and OECD Convention against corruption in place after 2002, the French arms merchants had to find a way to pay commissions to their foreign clients. The method used was to create 'service providers’ that could “increase invoices” to take the place of 'commissions’. Thus, when DCN terminated its contracts, Thales took over as a private company, not involving the state. Thales International was appointed to coordinate the political connections. A commercial engineering contract was then signed between DCN and Thales, referred to as “C5″. It covered 30 million euros (RM120 million) in commercial costs abroad. The companies used in the Malaysian case were Gifen in Malta, Eurolux in Luxemburg and Technomar in Belgium. The travel expenses of Razak Baginda and Altantuya were covered by these. Another “consulting agreement” was signed in 2000 between Thint Asia and Terasasi for 2.5 million euros (RM10 million). What role did Terasasi play? The commissions and dividends for the Scorpene deal were funneled through two companies, Terasasi and Perimekar, both owned by Abdul Razak Baginda. His wife, Mazlinda is a director in Perimekar, while his father is a director in Terasasi. Malaysians have heard about Perimekar and its “coordinating service” in the submarines deal. But so far there has been no mention of Terasasi. Could the defence minister please tell the Malaysian public and Parliament the exact role of Terasasi in this Scorpene deal? From the Paris Papers, we know that at least 32 million euros (RM127 million) were paid by Thales International (Thint) Asia to Terasasi. There is an invoice by Terasasi dated Oct 1, 2000 for 100,000 euros (RM400,000). There is also an invoice from Terasasi to Thint Asia, dated Aug 28, 2004 for 359,450 euros (RM1.43 million) with a handwritten note saying: “Razak wants it in a hurry.” A confidential report in the Paris Papers notes: “It appears that the management of Thint Asia is aware that the amount paid to Terasasi ultimately benefited Najib or his adviser, Baginda.” Thus, as Suaram’s French lawyer Joseph Breham (far right in photo) has put it: “Investigations so far have provided sufficient evidence to point our finger at Malaysian officials in this (court) hearing.”

EC Lies To International Fact Finding Mission Group About Postal Voter Proposal Posted: 04 May 2012 09:26 PM PDT Malaysiakini The Election Commission had allegedly told an international mission that the Parliament had rejected the proposal to introduce postal voting for Sabah and Sarawak voters working in peninsular Malaysia. However, the report by parliamentary select committee (PSC) on electoral reform released last month revealed that it was the EC that gave the thumbs down. According to the 12-page interim report from the seven-member international fact-finding group on Malaysia’s electoral system, the negative response came from EC deputy chief Wan Ahmad Wan Omar (left). The report states that the group has found out that these people working in the peninsula face difficulties in returning home to vote, recommending that legislation be introduced for them to be absentee voters. However ,Wan Ahmad told the group: “That’s the reality in Malaysia. They should change their registration (addresses). We proposed that Parliament legislate to introduce postal voting for the people in Sabah and Sarawak. Our proposal was not accepted”. In fact, the PSC report had stated clearly that one of electoral reforms proposal is to allow outstation voters to cast their ballots without having to return to their constituencies. Evidence of EC digging in The report added that the EC refused to implement it in the next general election, only agreeing to study the proposal futher in relation to Article 119 of the Federal Constitution, which stipulates that an eligible voter must be a resident in his or her voting constituency. It is among the six preliminary proposals rejected by the EC. The international group also noted that the Federal Constitution empowers the EC to compel state-owned media to give parity of coverage for political parties during the election campaign period, but the EC chose to adopt a narrower interpretation of the clause. The group pointed out that Article 115(2) of the Constitution which states that “All public authorities shall on the request of the (Election) Commission give the Commission such assistance in the discharge of its duties as may be practicable” can be used by the electoral body to ensure fair reporting. But the group’s interim report records Wan Ahmad as replying that the Article empowers the EC to obtain “logistical assistance only”. To clear doubts on this matter, the group recommended clear legislation to compel state-owned media to provide fair coverage. In the absence of a legal provision, the group proposed that the EC exercise its moral and persuasive authority by releasing a report each day of the campaign on its views whether public and private ational TV stations have provided balanced coverage over that 24- hour period. It reiterated that the Constitution provides the EC with wide latitude in the conduct of the electoral process. The group comprises Australian senator Nicholas Xenophon, Pakistani senator Hasil Khan Bizenjo, Filipino University of East College of Law dean Amado Valdez, Germany’s Freidrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom coordinator Juliane Schmucker, University of New South Wales associate professor of politics Clinton Fernandes, Indian journalist Mobashar Jawed Akhbar and the Indonesian International Scholars Association chairperson Mohamad Nasir Tamara Tamimi. They visited Malaysia from Apr 25 to 29 at the invitation of Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim’s office to assess the Malaysian electoral system. During a press conference to release the findings last Sunday, Bizenjo described the EC as “backward”, a cause for the country’s weak democracy. Besides Wan Ahmad, they had met with Umno secretary-general Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Nazri Abdul Aziz, Bersih steering committee member Maria Chin Abdullah, Selangor MB Khalid Ibrahim and Anwar. The group had also heard disturbing testimony from a former senior military officer, who requested anonymity, on the pervasive fear among military personnel regarding the secrecy of their votes during the 2008 election. The report quoted the ex-officer as saying: “There was a definite fear factor among the soldiers that if they did not vote for the government they could be victimised because they knew that their vote could be traced”. “Troops would discuss this in front of me. I and other officers would say ‘You can vote any way you want’. Troops would laugh and say ‘Who will give us protection if we’re traced? “It was common and widespread knowledge among military personnel that they knew they could face retribution if they voted the wrong way.” Hence the group recommended that the postal vote system for military personnel be reformed and protocols changed to ensure fair practice.

Let The People Govern, We Must Represent The Conscience Of The Rakyat Posted: 04 May 2012 09:02 PM PDT

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PKR Sokong Penuh Pimpinan Azmin Posted: 05 May 2012 05:35 AM PDT

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MEDIA Rakyat MALAYSIA

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NAJIB MIMPI LIAR DAN BELASAH, RAKYAT MIMPI BASAH DAN HIDU GAS Posted: 04 May 2012 06:30 AM PDT

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Anwar Ibrahim

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• Chandra Muzaffar – Who Are You to Call Others ‘Frauds’ And ‘Hypocrites’
• KEADILAN Lancar MERDEKA RAKYAT: Pasca BERSIH3.0, Pengumuman Penting Ketua Umum Mengenai SPR
• Panel Bebas: Kerajaan Cuba Ketepikan Suhakam
• Pelancaran Jelajah ‘Merdeka Rakyat: Pasca BERSIH 3.0′
• Majlis Peguam Adakan EGM Perhimpunan BERSIH 3.0
• Syarikat Razak Baginda di HK Mencurigakan
• Najib Sent Fax Asking US$ 1bil For Baginda, Says Suaram, But Will MACC Initiate Probe?
• Keganasan Polis Tidak Gentarkan Anak Muda

Chandra Muzaffar – Who Are You to Call Others ‘Frauds’ And ‘Hypocrites’ Posted: 04 May 2012 10:31 AM PDT Malaysia Chronicle Friends have asked me what prompted the extraordinary hatchet job that Dr Chandra Muzaffar attempted on the Bersih 3.0 movement and its leaders in his recent article misleadingly titled 'Bersih and the Quest for Human Rights' published in various media. What was in the article that could be of academic or scholarly value to warrant any close reading? Those attracted by the title may have expected an article on how the quest for human rights in Malaysia may have taken on fresh urgency given the police manhandling of the demonstrators and media, and the many instances of violation of democratic rights. In the internet and mainstream media, the issue of police brutality has become the main focus and memory of demonstrators and the Malaysian public. That could have been a topic that Dr Chandra – in defending the status quo – could have brought fresh insights from a human rights perspective. However, he chose not to do so. Instead he churned out a propagandistic piece praising the political reforms undertaken as well as aimed at demonizing the Bersih leaders and its supporters from the opposition. His reminder about the "degree of integrity in the electoral process" and the fact that there is no electoral process in the world that is totally free of blemish is quite a turn-around. The Chandra of old that I remember was lucid, scathing and critical of the lopsided electoral playing field in favour of the Barisan Nasional and the formidable array of dirty tricks, including mal-apportionment and gerrymandering, it used to win elections. A real U-turn This includes control of the mainstream mass media that is now unsurprisingly keen to publish any piece that Dr Chandra provides – certainly a far cry from past practice when he was with Aliran or the opposition. In my numerous conversations with him during the 16 years that we were friends and colleagues at Universiti Sains Malaysia, we talked and shared similar views of the unfair and un-free electoral process and also of BN's manipulation of the system that enabled it to hold on to power indefinitely. Today, Dr Chandra seems to have changed his view on the ruling party and many issues in the country, including that of the state of civil liberties. According to him, "[I]t is an irrefutable fact that through these legislative reforms [Peaceful Assembly Act, ISA repeal, etc] the space and scope for the expression and articulation of human rights has been expanded and enhanced as never before." That "irrefutable fact", as Dr Chandra terms it, is not irrefutable. It needs the passage of time and confirmation from the ground to ascertain what has been gained and whether the reforms are substantive or simply cosmetic to pre-empt regime change. Sweeping or grandstanding statements such as the one above made by him are premature and smack of political partisanship. Should Dr Chandra, after conducting rigorous social science research – publish the results of his work confirming this "irrefutable fact", it may perhaps help convince sceptics that there has been "far reaching changes to political and civil liberties." Less than convincing compared to other accounts In the meantime, his pronouncements on the changes in the country are less convincing and less thoughtful than the one below, which could have come from the pen of the Chandra of old. Excerpts from Muaz Omar: 'Claiming back our freedom' (The Malaysian Insider, 3 May 2012) As the nation and its people developed and progressed, Umno has dragged its feet, not wanting to accept that the social and political fabric has changed. They are trapped in their old ways continuing their archaic doctrine of oppression, rampant corruption and abuse of power as well as propagating religious and racial tensions. Half-hearted and watered-down transformation policies by Prime Minister Najib Razak failed to diminish the desire of Malaysians for a better deal. The people are not impressed by the lack of political will. This resulted in the resounding success of Bersih 3.0 on April 28 in Kuala Lumpur and 80 other cities around the world. Hundreds of thousands, mostly young, of all races attended the gathering in Kuala Lumpur peacefully until the riot police took action. Ordinary Malaysians were beaten up and tear-gassed. Even local and foreign media personnel were manhandled, some with their equipment destroyed and confiscated. This black mark on Malaysian democracy reaffirms concerns that Najib lacks the desire or the will to reform. His much-touted Peaceful Assembly Act did not provide any democratic civil rights to the people but is used to forcefully maintain the hegemony of his own party. In short, Najib continues to engage in repressive and authoritarian tactics of former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad. The tenacity as well as desire of Malaysians for substantive change was evident during the rally. As Najib and Umno-BN leaders try to downplay and dismiss this demand by shifting blame and pointing fingers, Pakatan Rakyat needs to listen closely to Malaysians and not misread or take for granted their desire for change. The people swarmed the capital with the intent of claiming back their freedom; they are tired, they are fed-up, and they are angry. Who are you to call others ‘frauds’ and ‘hypocrites’ My final problem with Dr Chandra's article is its unprecedented attack on some of the Bersih and opposition activists as "frauds and hypocrites without any sincere commitment to freedom and democracy." According to him, "[t]hrough their politics of deceit and duplicity, they continue to manipulate mass sentiments for their own diabolical agenda." These are strong accusations, going beyond even what the BN leaders have said. Who are these people that he describes as frauds and hypocrites? It is unethical to hide under the cover of generalization in making these allegations. Besides the requirement of naming them, Dr Chandra should realize that as a social scientist he must provide evidence to prove his argument that they are frauds and hypocrites. What actions have they engaged in to deserve such demonizing from a senior social scientist holding the esteemed position of Noordin Sopiee Professor of Global Studies? Has he conducted any interviews with the Bersih leaders to get them to explain their positions? Or has he found them guilty without bothering to speak to them? Is this the view of key independent respondents such as those who took part in the rallies? Or is this the view of the larger population? Or perhaps is it the view of some of the BN leaders? These and a myriad of other questions need to be answered by Dr Chandra. Otherwise he will be seen as another BN mouthpiece out to score cheap points and using the cloak of academic position to bolster his politically biased opinion. Dr Lim Teck Ghee is the director of the Center for Policy Initiatives

KEADILAN Lancar MERDEKA RAKYAT: Pasca BERSIH3.0, Pengumuman Penting Ketua Umum Mengenai SPR Posted: 04 May 2012 06:52 AM PDT Sokongan ratusan ribu rakyat dari seluruh pelosok negara yang turun dengan satu suara menuntut proses demokrasi yang adil adalah catatan sejarah negara. BERSIH3.0 yang menyatukan rakyat pelbagai latar belakang seharusnya dirayakan semangat dan prinsipnya. Malangnya, ada pihak yang cuba menutup isu sebenar yang dibawa BERSIH3.0. Suara rakyat yang mewakili jutaan rakyat mahu ditutup dengan cerita picisan yang memfitnah rakyat. Rakyat yang menjadi mangsa akibat kekerasan dan keganasan polis diserang bertalu-talu di media kawalan Umno/Barisan Nasional sedang pemangsa yang ganas dilindungi. KEADILAN akan terus membawa berita gembira dari BERSIH3.0 ke seluruh negara mengenai kebangkitan rakyat. Tarikh 28 April 2012 akan kita nobatkan sebagai Merdeka Rakyat. Pelancaran siri ceramah perdana dan jelajah "Merdeka Rakyat: Pasca BERSIH3.0" akan disempurnakan sendiri oleh Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim pada hari Isnin, 7 Mei 2012 di Padang Kampung Baru, Batu Caves, Gombak jam 9 malam. Ia akan turut disertai pimpinan terkanan KEADILAN dan jemputan kepada pimpinan PAS dan DAP. Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim dijangka akan membuat pengumuman penting mengenai kedudukan Pengerusi dan Timbalan Pengerusi SPR dalam majlis pelancaran Merdeka Rakyat pada hari Isnin ini. Selain fokus kepada kejayaan rakyat menuntut proses demokrasi yang disuarakan melalui BERSIH3.0, KEADILAN juga akan menayangkan dengan terperinci kejadian keganasan yang dilakukan pihak berkuasa. Peluang ini juga akan digunakan untuk membongkarkan perkembangan perbicaraan kes rasuah pembelian kapal selam Scorpene yang melibatkan Dato' Seri Najib Tun Razak. Siri ceramah perdana dan jelajah Merdeka Rakyat: Pasca BERSIH3.0 akan dibawa ke seluruh negara untuk memastikan api semangat rakyat menuntut proses demokrasi yang adil akan terus membakar.   MOHD RAFIZI RAMLI Pengarah Strategi KEADILAN

Panel Bebas: Kerajaan Cuba Ketepikan Suhakam Posted: 04 May 2012 02:24 AM PDT Harakah Kerajaan sengaja mengenepikan Suruhanjaya Hak Asasi Manusia (Suhakam) apabila hendak menubuhkan panel siasatan bebas yang lain untuk menyiasat perhimpunan Bersih 3.0, kata Naib Presiden PAS Datuk Mahfuz Omar. “Itu kerja Suhakam. Kenapa ketepikan Suhakam dan tubuh pula kononnya panel siasatan bebas untuk siasat kejadian yang berlaku dalam perhimpunan Bersih 3.0 itu? “Apa perlu panel siasatan itu sedangkan Suhakam telah membuktikan ia menjalankan kerjanya dengan professional,” beliau mempersoalkan. Ahli Parlimen Pokok Sena itu menyifatkan tindakan itu sebagai bukti nyata bahawa kerajaan Umno Barisan Nasional (BN) bukan sahaja tidak menghargai kewujudan Suhakam malah terangan-terangan menunjukkan rasa tidak percaya kepada suruhanjaya tersebut. “Mengapa kerajaan terang-terang menunjukkan rasa tidak percaya kepada Suhakam? “Adakah (Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri) Najib (Tun Razak) dan kerajaannya marah dan sakit hati sangat kerana merasakan pendengaran Suhakam sebelum ini tidak menyebelahi pihak mereka,” soal Mahfuz lagi. Tindakan kerajaan yang menunjukkan rasa tidak percaya kepada Suhakam itu seolah-olah sengaja mahu mendorong masyarakat antarabangsa khususnya meragui kemampuan suruhanjaya itu, katanya. “Kerajaan nampaknya tidak mahu mengiktiraf peranan Suhakam sebagai pelindung hak asasi semua pihak termasuk pihak polis sendiri,” katanya. Beliau juga bimbang kerajaan sengaja menolak peranan yang sepatutnya dimainkan oleh Suhakam untuk menyiasat kejadian yang berlaku dalam perhimpunan Bersih 3.0 itu kerana mahu mencari pihak yang boleh melindungi jenayah yang dilakukan terhadap mereka yang menyertai perhimpunan itu. “Adakah kerajaan sengaja hendak mencari orang yang boleh berkerjasama untuk melindungi apa yang dilihat umum sebagai jenayah kerajaan Umno dan sebahagian anggota polis yang bertindak kejam dan ganas terutama yang mengarahkan tindakan sedemikian terhadap mereka yang menyertai perhimpunan Bersih 3.0 itu?” tanya Mahfuz. Beliau menyifatkan tindakan mengetepikan Suhakam itu menambahkan lagi keyakinan masyarakat termasuk masyarakat antarabangsa bahawa kerajaan cuba melindungi keganasannya dari disiasat secara bebas, bersih dan adil. Dalam perkembangan berkaitan, Pengerusi Suhakam Tan Sri Hasmy Agam menegaskan bahawa penggunaan kekasaran yang tidak seimbang dan tidak sepatutnya terhadap peserta perhimpunan dan juga petugas media adalah satu tindakan pihak polis yang tidak boleh diterima sama sekali. Suruhanjaya itu juga, tegasnya, terkejut dengan dakwaan layanan polis terhadap petugas media yang mempunyai tanggungjawab untuk merekod, mendokumen dan melaporkan peristiwa yang menarik minat orang ramai secara professional dan beretika.

Pelancaran Jelajah ‘Merdeka Rakyat: Pasca BERSIH 3.0′ Posted: 04 May 2012 02:22 AM PDT Malaysiakini Siri ceramah perdana dan jelajah "Merdeka Rakyat: Pasca BERSIH 3.0" akan dilancarkan Isnin ini. Pelancarannya akan disempurnakan sendiri oleh Ketua Pembangkang yang juga Ketua Umum PKR, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim di Padang Kampung Baru, Batu Caves, Gombak jam 9 malam. Menurut Pengarah Strategi PKR, Mohd Rafizi Ramli berkata, ia akan turut disertai pimpinan terkanan PKR dan jemputan kepada pimpinan PAS dan DAP. Rafizi berkata Anwar dijangka membuat pengumuman penting mengenai kedudukan pengerusi dan timbalan pengerusi Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya (SPR) di majlis pelancaran tersebut. “Selain fokus kepada kejayaan rakyat menuntut proses demokrasi yang disuarakan melalui BERSIH3.0, PKR juga akan menayangkan dengan terperinci kejadian keganasan yang dilakukan pihak berkuasa,” katanya dalam satu kenyataan hari ini. Peluang itu juga, tambahnya, akan digunakan untuk membongkarkan perkembangan perbicaraan kes rasuah pembelian kapal selam Scorpene yang didakwa melibatkan Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak. “Siri ceramah perdana dan jelajah Merdeka Rakyat: Pasca BERSIH3.0 akan dibawa ke seluruh negara untuk memastikan api semangat rakyat menuntut proses demokrasi yang adil akan terus membakar,” tegas Rafizi.

Majlis Peguam Adakan EGM Perhimpunan BERSIH 3.0 Posted: 04 May 2012 01:20 AM PDT Malaysiakini Majlis Peguam akan mengadakan mesyuarat agung luar biasa (EGM) untuk membincangkan isu-isu berkaitan dengan perhimpunan BERSIH 3.0 Sabtu lalu. Menurut surat pekeliling rasmi yang disiarkan di lamanwebnya, EGM itu akan diadakan Jumaat depan di sebuah hotel di Kuala Lumpur. Agendanya ialah membincangkan usul Pengerusi Majlis Peguam, Lim Chee Wee berhubung dengan peristiwa dan sekitar perhimpunan awam pada 28 April 2012 anjuran BERSIH 3.0, dan perkara-perkara yang berkaitan dengannya. Tiada maklumat lanjut dinyatakan dalam pekeliling tersebut. EGM itu memerlukan kuorum 500 orang. Majlis Peguam telah menugaskan pasukan pemantauan 78 anggota semasa perhimpunan tersebut dan kemudiannya mengeluarkan laporan interim pada hari Selasa.

Syarikat Razak Baginda di HK Mencurigakan Posted: 04 May 2012 12:28 AM PDT Harakah Tinjauan Asia Sentinel terhadap syarikat bernama Terasasi di Hong Kong, yang pengarahnya ialah Abdul Razak Baginda dan ayahnya Abdul Mulim Baginda telah mendapati bahawa syarikat itu adalah syarikat misteri yang tidak diketahui punca perniagaannya. Terasasi, yang disenaraikan antara 142 syarikat di satu bangunan pada 3 Lockhart Road di Wan Chai Hong Kong cuma disenaraikan sebagai sebuah syarikat tempatan. Terdahulu Asia Sentinel mendedahkan bahawa syarikat kontroversi tersebut telah digunakan untuk menerima duit komisyen sebanyak Euro 36 juta (RM144 juta) daripada pembelian kapal selam Scorpene daripada sebuah syarikat pertahanan Thales International yang berpusat di Perancis, yang lebih dikenali sebagai Thint Asia. Wang tersebut, dakwa Asia Sentinel telah disalurkan ke akaun milik perdana menteri Datuk Seri Najib Razak. Laman web tersebut berkata penyaluran dan pengendalian wang haram di Hong Kong adalah satu jenayah serius, dan mempercayai bahawa pihak berkuasa di Hong Kong sedang menyiasat dakwaan yang ditimbulkan terhadap Terasasi. Laporan yang ditulis oleh John Berthelsen, Editor Eksekutif akhbar The Standard di Hong Kong turut mendapat perhatian media Hong Kong, Ming Pao. Menurut Merdeka Review, Ming Pao telah melaporkan pada 7 April 2012, bahawa sebuah syarikat Hong Kong diheret dalam kes ini, di mana sebuah syarikat Perancis disyaki menyogok Najib Razak, Perdana Menteri Malaysia sekarang, yang menyandang jawatan Menteri Pertahanan ketika kes ini berlaku. Hasil daripada usaha Suaram, skandal kes pembelian kapal selam Scorpene kini sedang didengar di mahkamah Perancis. Temuramah Najib Majistret Perancis Roger Le Loire dan Serge Tournaire yang dilantik ke Tribunal Paris Grande de Instance telah memberitahu hasrat mereka untuk menemuramah Najib dan orang kanannya satu ketika dulu Razak Baginda. "Bagaimanapun peluang untuk pihak berkuasa Perancis untuk menerumah perdana menteri daripada sebuah negara berdaulat atas kes rasuah adalah sangat tipis, walaupun persoalan ini akan merumitkan pelan Najib untuk melawat Eropah pada masa depan," tulis John, sambil menambah beliau tidak pasti samada pihak berkuasa Perancis sudah meminta bantuan daripada Hong Kong untuk membantu siasatan mereka. Selain orang kanan Najib, Razak Baginda juga dinamakan sebagai kekasih kepada Altantuya Shariibu yang dibunuh kejam di Shah Alam pada 2006 setelah dikatakan datang menuntut komisyen daripada penjualan kapal selam yang dijanjikan kepadanya. Di satu sidang Dewan Rakyat, telah didedahkan bahawa syarikat Perimekar Sdn Bhd telah menerima sebanyak Euro 114 juta (RM457 juta) sebagai komisyen pembelian kapal selam daripada satu anak syarikat Thales dan DCN, Armaris. Perimeker pada masa itu adalah satu syarikat yang dimiliki KS Ombak Laut Sdn Bhd yang dimiliki oleh Razak Baginda dan isterinya Mazalinda. Perimekar kini dimiliki 20 peratus setiap satu oleh LTAT and Boustead Holdings. Menurut laporan Agence France Press (AFP), siasatan akan menjurus kepada tiga kontrak untuk kapal selam bernilai € 1.2 bilion, yang telah ditandatangani pada 5 Jun, 2002. Berdasarkan dokumen, kontrak tersebut mempunyai dua bahagian. Menurut dokumen yang dikaji, kontrak yang dimeterai mempunyai dua komponen: Pertama ialah penjualan dua kapal selam yang dibina oleh DCNS pembinaan kapal tentera laut Perancis dan Izar firma pembinaan kapal Sepanyol, € 920 juta; Dan kedua ialah mengenai penghantaran “sokongan logistik” dari sebuah syarikat Malaysia, Perimekar Bhd , bernilai € 114 juta, untuk melatih kumpulan pertama anggota TLDM seramai 200 orang. Menurut AFP, perjanjian tersebut melibatkan komisyen RM457 juta yang dibayar ke Perimekar, kontrak C5 untuk bisnes kejuruteraan yang dimeterai pada Ogos 2000 antara DCNI, sebuah anak syarikat DCN dan Thales International Asia bernilai Euro 30 juta (RM132 juta). Yang ketiga, ialah penjanjian rundingan yang ditandatangani pada Oktober 2000 antara Thint Asia dan Terasasi. Menurut John, penyiasat Perancis sedang juga menyiasat satu invois yang dikeluarkan oleh Terasasi pada Ogos 2004 bernilai Euro 359,450 (RM1.44 juta) yang dihantar ke Thint Asia. "Bagi penyiasat, perkara ini seolah-olah… menunjukkan bayaran yang dibuat ke Terasasi pada akhirnya tiba di tangan Najib, menteri pertahanan ketika itu atau Razak Baginda," tambahnya. Para penyiasat Perancis turut berkata Terasasi menerima bayaran daripada Thint Asia, termasuk satu bayaran berjumlah Euro 360000 (RM1.44 juta) yang disertakan dengan nota, "Razak hendakkan bayaran ini dibuat segera." "Tiada indikasi Razak mana yang dirujuk, Najib Razak atau Razak Baginda," tulis beliau. Dokumen di mahkahmah Perancis telah mendedahkan bahawa jumlah wang yang disalurkan daripada Thint Asia ke Terasasi ialah sebanyak Euro 3 juta (RM12 juta) ketika Terasasi masih di Malaysia dan Euro 33 juta (RM132 juta) tatkala ia menjadi syarikat di Hong Kong.

Najib Sent Fax Asking US$ 1bil For Baginda, Says Suaram, But Will MACC Initiate Probe? Posted: 04 May 2012 12:23 AM PDT Malaysia Chronicle Local human rights movement Suara Rakyat Malaysia, which successfully initiated a French investigation into alleged kickbacks linked to Malaysia’s purchase of the Scorpene submarines and the brutal murder of Mongolian citizen Altantuya Shaariibuu, has urged the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission to launch a probe following an explosive revelation involving the prime minister. Earlier, Suaram revealed that French public prosecutors had evidence in the form of a fax page dated June 1, 2001, in which Najib Razak, the then Defence minister, sought a payment of US$1 billion for Perimekar, a company owned by Abdul Razak Baginda. Razak had been acquitted of a charge of murdering Altantuya, with whom he said he had an affair. It was claimed that Altantuya’s murder had to do with unpaid kickbacks owed to her from the Scorpene deal. This, according to a private detective hired by Razak, was said to be the reason why Altantuya had been hounding Razak at his office in the days leading to her brutal murder, before she was bungled up into a car by policemen closely linked to the prime minister’s security apparatus. In the fax, sent from Francois Dupont, the Malaysian representative for French-based security provider Thales Asia International, to D Arnaud, Najib was mentioned as requesting the money as a condition for a meeting in July 2001. The document is one of 153 documents seized in May 2010 by French police from the office of Henri Gide, an officer for Thales. The document is said to contain a chronology of visits and action items for Dupont during his visit to Malaysia, which included “meetings with the Ministry of Defence and the management members of Perimekar". Suaram said the MACC must launch an immediate investigation into the French prosecutors' revelation and urged the government to cooperate with the French inquiry. Suaram also called on the Defence ministry to come clean in Parliament on the alleged commissions paid as well as companies involved in the submarine purchase scandal.

Keganasan Polis Tidak Gentarkan Anak Muda Posted: 03 May 2012 11:21 PM PDT Harakah Solidariti Anak Muda Malaysia (SAMM) bersama 70 NGO di bawah kendalian anak-anak muda dari berbagai-bagai lapisan anak muda Malaysia akan mengadakan pameran bergerak menayangkan video dan mempamirkan pelbagai bentuk gambar-gambar keganasan polis semasa menyuraikan himpunan Bersih 3.0 minggu lalu. Perkara ini dinyatakan oleh ketua SAMM, Badrul Hisham Sharin atau dikenali dengan Che GuBadr malam tadi dalam majlis ringkas perkisahan beliau dan teman-teman yang menjadi mangsa keganasan dan kedurjanaan polis semasa di rumah Anwar Ibrahim. Dalam pameran itu orang ramai dapat menyaksikan aksi polis yang membelasah para peserta di mana aksi dan sikap rakus polis ini tidak ditayangkan di media eletronik dan cetak penjilat tahi. Sebaliknya apa yang mainkan oleh media massa mengenai aksi para himpunan yang digambarkan ganas dan bertindak ke atas polis. Pemeran itu menurut Badrul akan diadakan di seluruh negara, ke kampung-kampung dan desa di mana masyarakatnya hanya menerima akses media penjilat tahi sahaja. “Kita berharap pameran ini akan memberi gambaran jelas apa yang berlaku pada himpunan Bersih 3.0 lalu mengenai tindakan ganas polis,” katanya. Dalam pengkisan ringkasan mengenai senario Bersih dan tindakan ganas polis, Badrul mencerita polis telah melakukan para perserta sebagai mangsa mereka tanpa ada belas kesian. Polis akan membelasah mana-mana para peserta secara beramai-ramai. “Keadaanya macam di dalam hutan rimba di mana polis bertindak semacam haiwan liar kelaparan yang menerkam mangsa,” tegasnya. Beliau sendiri ditendang, ditumbuk beramai-ramai oleh anggota polis, sampai berdarah hidung dan keluar air dari telinga. “Saya tidak dapat bebruat apa-apa dalam keadaan begitu selain diam dan meminta maaf agar jangan diperlakukan demikian…. namun permohonan dan rayuan saya tidak dipedulikan,” ceritanya lagi. Paling tidak bermoral polis yang dilakukan ke atas Badrul sambil membelasah wang beliau juga RM200 dirampas (curi) polis. “Saya dengar setelah selesai membelasah dan mencuri duit saya mereka gelak beramai-ramai. Sambil membelasahnya juga polis mengeluar kata-kata kesat dan menghina dirinya dan juga diri Anwar Ibrahim dengan mengatakan, ini orang kuat Anwar bontot. (Cis kepada polis ini). Malam tadi selain Badrul tiga orang rakannya yang turut menjadi mangsa polis turut mengisahkan nasib pada himpunan itu. Shafik yang pertama kali menyertai Bersih atas kemahuannya sendiri bersumpah dia tidak akan menyokong Umno lagi dan sebaliknya akan menentang parti yang dianggap durjana kerana mengarah polis berlaku sadis. “Walaupun inilah kali pertima saya menyertai demonstrasi dan saya dibelasah ia tidak akan memeritkan saya, apa yang berlaku itu menjadikan saya akan turun di mana saja demonstrasi untuk menjatuhkan Umno. Umno kena jatuhkan sebab ia sebuah parti jahat,” katanya tanpa menggambarkan kegerunan. Tegas Badrul lagi himpunan Bersih 3.0 adalah sejarah bagi anak-anak muda. “Saya melihat himpunan Bersih 3.0 menunjukkan kebangkitan anak-anak muda Malaysia untuk merubah kerajaan,” Malam tadi juga Badrul dan anak-anak muda menyatakan janji dan ikrar mereka, bahawa keganasan polis itu tidak akan mematahkan semangat mereka untuk terus bangkit bagi menghancurkan kezalaiman. “Insya Allah kami tidak akan gentar bahkan apa yang berlaku itu memberi semangat kepada kami untuk terus bangkit,” ujarnya disambut takbir dan tepukan gemuruh dari kira-kira 100 orang yang hadir pada setiap malam Jumaat di rumah Anwar untuk bertahlil, munajat dan solat hajat. Anwar pula dalam memberi reaksi kepada kebangkitan anak-anak muda, Badrul dan rakan-rakannya menganggap mereka adalah hero-hero baru yang boleh disandarkan oleh rakyat. Saya ucap syabas dan tahniah atas keberanian mereka kerana menegakkan keadilan dan kebenaran. – http://www.msomelayu.blogspot.com/

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