Rabu, 23 Oktober 2013

Suara Sri Andalas

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Suara Sri Andalas

PR Muafakat Pertahan Kemenangan DUN Sg Limau

Posted: 23 Oct 2013 05:44 PM PDT

Pakatan Rakyat muafakat mahu mempertahan kemenangan Dewan Undangan Negeri (DUN) Sungai Limau pada Pilihan Raya Kecil (PRK) pada 4 November ini.
Pendirian itu dizahirkan melalui permuafakatan pemimpin KEADILAN yang berkampung di Sungai Limau mulai 21 Oktober untuk memberi sokongan penuh kepada calon PAS, Azam Samad pada hari penamaan 23 Oktober 2013.

YB Dr Xavier Jayakumar selaku Ahli Majlis Tertinggi KEADILAN turut serta dalam Pelancaran Bilik Gerakan Utama KEADILAN Negeri dan berarak ke Pusat Penamaan mengiringi calon PAS, Azam Samad.

Hadir bersama adalah Timbalan Presiden, YB Mohamed Azmin Ali, Ketua Angkatan Muda KEADILAN (AMK), YB Shamsul Iskandar Mohd Akin; ADUN Kota Anggerik, YB Dr Yaakob Sapari serta para pemimpin Pakatan Rakyat.

Anwar Ibrahim

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Anwar Ibrahim

Bishop’s silence on talk a shock

Posted: 23 Oct 2013 01:47 AM PDT

The Australian

IMAGINE this: Australian Opposition Leader Bill Shorten is visiting Malaysia to speak to Australian students studying at Malaysian universities.

The Australian High Commission in Kuala Lumpur then issues a written threat to all Australian students, saying that if they hear Mr Shorten speak they will lose any government-funded scholarships.

Such an action would be met with outrage by any Malaysian government as being an act of foreign interference, and an unwarranted intrusion in Malaysia’s domestic affairs.

Yet something very similar occurred in Australia in the past few days.

An official of the Malaysian consulate in Sydney warned Malaysian scholarship students not to attend the talk I gave last weekend at Adelaide’s Festival of Ideas. The email stated he “wouldn’t hesitate to take stern action to those involved”.

Australia rightly prides itself as a bastion of free speech and democratic ideals.

As a liberal democracy, the ability to be able to express views freely in a peaceful manner is a cornerstone of your society.

Imagine my surprise, then, when, after independent senator Nick Xenophon and I called on Foreign Minister Julie Bishop to condemn the threat and to protect students attending my talk, the response was so weak.

The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade merely responded with a statement, saying: “All students residing in Australia, including Malaysian students, enjoy all rights and liberties available under the Australian law, including the ability to attend a wide variety of legitimate events taking place in Australia. The Festival of Ideas in Adelaide is one such event.”

Contrast this with the US State Department telling the Malaysian embassy in Washington to back off when it made similar threats there.

My talk highlighted the tragic state of democracy in Malaysia, conveniently ignored by this and the previous Australian governments.

The grave flaws of Malaysia’s election system were highlighted last year by an independent, international fact-finding mission, of which Senator Xenophon was a member.

The mission flagged grave concerns about the integrity of the electoral roll, phantom voters, voter intimidation, a corruption-prone postal-voting system and, overall, the potential for massive electoral fraud.

There is also a severe gerrymander favouring the government. The Secretary General of the ruling party, for example, has only 7000 voters in his electorate. The deputy leader of the opposition has 100,000 voters in his electorate.

And major television stations and newspapers are owned by allies of the government with no airtime or space given for the opposition’s views, apart from outright vilification.

The international fact-finding mission concluded that these restrictions were draconian, because they prevented alternative views being heard.

Little wonder that the ruling coalition has never been out of power in the past 56 years.

The mission’s fears proved well founded at May’s general elections. Despite widespread voter fraud and irregularities, and the official result of almost 52 per cent for the opposition and 47 per cent for the government, the gerrymander still meant the ruling party holds 60 per cent of the seats.

As for me, I am banned from entering any university campus in Malaysia. It seems my time as a professor at Georgetown University in Washington DC doesn’t qualify me to set foot on campuses in my own country!

I was overwhelmed by the response I received from the Australian public and Malaysian students in Adelaide.

Successive Australian governments have been rightly concerned when such anti-democratic processes prevailed in Myanmar. But their silence at this travesty in Malaysia is deeply saddening. And the response of Ms Bishop to threats made against Malaysian students on Australian soil truly shocks me.

Anwar Ibrahim

[KENYATAAN MEDIA] Menuntut Semua Anggota Suruhanjaya Pilihanraya (SPR) Letak Jawatan Kerana Gagal Melaksanakan Tanggungjawab

Posted: 22 Oct 2013 11:23 PM PDT


23 OKTOBER 2013

Semua anggota Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya (SPR) dituntut meletakkan jawatan beramai-ramai atas kegagalan melaksanakan tanggungjawabnya menurut Perlembagaan Persekutuan bagi menjalankan ulangkaji persempadanan.

Perkara 113 (2) dan 113 (3) Perlembagaan Persekutuan memperuntukkan ulangkajian bahagian-bahagian pilihanraya dijalankan oleh SPR dengan lat tempoh tidak kurang daripada 8 tahun antara tarikh siapnya ulangkajian yang terdahulu.

Kerajaan mengesahkan persempadanan terdahulu bagi Semenanjung dan Sabah diluluskan pada 21 Mac 2003, manakala Sarawak pada 10 Jun 2005.

Oleh yang demikian, lat tempoh Semenanjung & Sabah berakhir pada 21 Mac 2011 dan sepatutnya ulangkajian masing-masing bermula selepas itu. Kemudian Sarawak seharusnya bermula selepas 10 Jun 2013.

Tuntutan dan tanggungjawab Perlembagaan ini terus terabai. SPR gagal laksanakannya. Ini pengabaian dan kegagalan serius.

Sebelum ini SPR gagal jalankan PRU13 secara adil dan bebas selain berbangkit masalah proses yang pincang kerana isu dakwat yang tak kekal dan daftar pemilih yang tercemar.

Pakatan Rakyat menuntut seluruh anggota SPR meletakkan jawatan atas pengabaian dan kegagalan melaksanakan tanggungjawab Perlembagaan.


Anwar slams Australian Foreign Minister for “weak” stand on Putrajaya’s threat to students

Posted: 22 Oct 2013 09:13 PM PDT


Anwar contrasted Canberra's reaction with that of the US State Department who told the Malaysian embassy in Washington to back off when it made similar threats. - The Malaysian Insider pic, October 23, 2013.

Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim slammed Australian Foreign Minister Julie Bishop for not taking a firm stand against Putrajaya over a warning to Malaysian students to stay away from his recent talk in Adelaide.

“Australia rightly prides itself as a bastion of free speech and democratic ideals. As a liberal democracy, the ability to be able to express views freely in a peaceful manner is a cornerstone of your society,” Anwar said, writing on The Australian today.

“Imagine my surprise, then, when, after independent senator Xenophon and I called on Bishop to condemn the threat and to protect students attending my talk, the response was so weak,” he added, referring to Australian independent senator Nick Xenophon who condemned Canberra’s inaction over an email threat by the Malaysian High Commission.

The email by the Malaysian Students Department to students sponsored by the Public Service Department warned them not to attend a talk by Anwar in conjunction with the Festival of Ideas at the Adelaide University, last weekend.

“I will not hesitate to take stern action against those PSD scholarship holders who attend this event. You should know what’s best as you have signed the scholarship agreement,” said the department’s student advisor Shahrezan Md Sheriff.

The threat however appeared to have backfired when Malaysian students defied the directive and attended Anwar’s talk last Saturday.

Xenophon had earlier urged the Australian government to tell Putrajaya to “back off” for threatening Malaysian students.

The Australian government had said that all students in the country “enjoy all rights and liberties available under the Australian law, including the ability to attend a wide variety of legitimate events taking place in Australia.

“The Festival of Ideas in Adelaide is one such event,” it stated.

Anwar meanwhile lashed out at Canberra for its “silence at the travesty in Malaysia”.

“Contrast this with the US State Department telling the Malaysian embassy in Washington to back off when it made similar threats there. The response of Ms Bishop to threats made against Malaysian students on Australian soil truly shocks me,” he wrote.

“Successive Australian governments have been rightly concerned when such anti-democratic processes prevailed in Myanmar. But their silence at this travesty in Malaysia is deeply saddening.”

UMNO goes for the Status Quo

Posted: 22 Oct 2013 07:17 PM PDT

Asia Sentinel

The loser

Malaysia's intraparty elections for the United Malays National Organization, which concluded over the weekend, have resulted in a resurrection of sorts for Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak, who was all but given up as finished in the wake of the May 5 election debacle.

The party has been struggling with its identity since the election, in which the ruling Barisan Nasional lost the popular vote by a 50.87-47.38 percent split to the Pakatan Rakyat coalition headed by Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim. The Barisan returned to the majority with a diminished 133 seats to the opposition's 89 only because of gerrymandering. Najib was blamed for the debacle by party stalwarts led by and egged on by former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad.

Nonetheless, within the party, Najib has emerged as the rejuvenated leader of a fractured organization. His candidates for the party's top seven slots – president, deputy president, three vice president, youth leader and women's leader – all were returned to office, most by healthy margins, as were his  members of the party's Supreme Council.

But the question is whether the decision by 145,000 of the party faithful to return them to office was a pyrrhic victory.

"UMNO has not changed. Money still talks," said an embittered anti-Najib source who described himself as a 20-year member of the party. "Political corruption is rampant. These elections point to a party that is dying and could very well lose the next national elections."

That was a reference to the fact that Najib's forces appear to have poured vast amounts of money into buying votes at the district level to ensure that his candidates won. The vote-buying was termed a "golden storm" by party insiders, with votes going for as much as RM300 each.

Najib and his deputy, Muhyiddin Yassin, were unopposed in the party elections. However, an unofficial "Mahathir slate" developed for other positions. Particularly, Mahathir was pushing to make his son, Mukhriz, the 49-year-old chief minister of Kedah, one of the three vice presidents, which would have been viewed as a springboard to eventually go for the party presidency and premiership. Mukhriz finished fourth.

Party insiders say the danger is that the 88-year-old Mahathir could stage an all-out attack on Najib, as he did on Najib's predecessor, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, after poor electoral results that cost the party its two-thirds majority in parliament in 2008. Already, a legion of bloggers aligned with Mahathir has been on a rampage against Najib. However, the betting is that since Mahathir has no allies in senior positions in the party, his ability to do much damage is probably limited. Such a move obviously would also exacerbate the schisms in the party that are already there.

Among the winners, the most significant included Khairy Jamaluddin, the son-in-law of former Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who has drawn close to Najib after previously being regarded as a pariah by much of the UMNO rank and file. Khairy was returned as head of the party's youth wing despite the fact that he was Mahathir's particular bête noire.

Also returned to power was Shahrizat Abdul Jalil, who was forced to step down last year as a senator amid allegations that members of her family had looted the National Feedlot Corporation, a publicly funded project to rear cattle by halal, or Islamic religious methods

The scandal became universally known as Cowgate. Mohamad Salleh Ismail, Shahrizat's husband, was charged with two counts of criminal breach of trust as well as misusing nearly RM50 million of a RM250 million soft loan to pay for expensive overseas trips, a Mercedes limousine and luxury apartments. Although he was arrested more than 18 months ago, Mohamad has yet to face trial. Despite the scandal, Shahrizat finished easily ahead of two other candidates.

The vote leader in the vice presidential ranks was Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, the flamboyant home minister , who in recent weeks has made headlines by adopting a shoot-first ask questions policy for the police in seeking to quell rising crime, and by making inflammatory statements about Malay nationalism that have alienated many of the country's sizeable Chinese minority.

"The maintenance of the status quo not only signals that UMNO doesn't want reform, it also sends danger signals that someone like Zahid is next in line for the deputy prime minister's job, given that Muhyiddin is a good six years older than Najib and has privately indicated that this is his last term," another longtime political observer said in Kuala Lumpur. "That can be frightening as not only has his right wing rhetoric spooked the non-Malays, it has also spooked the rational Malays and also neighboring country diplomats. Then the next thing is the wrath of your friend Mahathir. He is not going to sit quietly if his son loses."

An angry source in the Mahathir wing of the party said that "stories of Team Najib or Team Pak Lah (Badawi) vs. Mahathir make fun reading, but the real issue is votes to the highest bidder." Nonetheless, it is clear that despite polls that show the elder Mahathir is admired by 75 percent of the party – the highest approval rating for anybody in UMNO – his status has been diminished within the party.

Does this give Najib the impetus to reemphasize his 1Malaysia strategy of loosening the economic bonds that deliver the spoils to ethnic Malays and hamper the economy? Probably not. The Bumiputera Economic Empowerment Program, somewhat derisively called the BEEP, which was announced on Sept. 14, represented a significant turn away from economic liberalization and has been derided as a program that will enrich more of the party's cronies.

"If I had a headline for this, it would be: Najib and Khairy win big," said a longtime Malay political analyst. "Mahathir can still make noise but all the President's men won – both at the vice president and Supreme Council level. Mahathir’s son is almost yesterday’s story in UMNO's unforgiving culture and Khairy doesn’t have to worry about a succession threat from Mukhriz. Will Najib use this mandate to do something now? No, it’s not in his DNA. So the bottom line, the results don't mean f***-all to the country."

If anything, the inflammatory rhetoric from Malay nationalists will resume against the Chinese minority, which continues to command the economic heights in the country. The party's annual general meeting, expected on the week of Dec. 2-7, can be expected to be five days of inflammatory chest-beating in a bid to energize the party's base.

"While those sentiments will continue, with the majority of Malays across the board, the fact remains that the Malay electorate is sick of corrupt leaders that have only self-serving agendas," said the source in the Mahathir wing of the party. "Najib, Zahid, Hisham, Khairy, Shahrizat, Nazri etc. You will find that in the next elections Malays will reject them all nationwide. There will be destabilization at the Malay core. Good luck to all."

The Politics of Literature: An interview with Nobel laureate Mario Vargas Llosa

Posted: 22 Oct 2013 07:09 PM PDT

The Daily Beast

Why do intellectuals hate democracy? Was Borges a fascist? The contentious 2010 Nobel Laureate Mario Vargas Llosa talks to Michael Moynihan about the big questions in literature and politics.

Mario Vargas Llosa, the Peruvian novelist and winner of the 2010 Nobel Prize for Literature, is considered a political novelist because his politics aren't the politics of most novelists. In the pantheon of modern Spanish-language fiction you'll find a surplus of writers informed by radical thought—think Jose Saramago, Roberto Bolaño, Eduardo Galeano, Carlos Fuentes, and Gabriel Garcia Marquez. But Vargas Llosa is an outlier, an apostate from radicalism turned habitué of the classical liberal world, a former supporter of the Cuban Revolution transformed into an evangelist for free markets and free trade. And in a literary milieu charged by ideology, this meanssomething.

David Levenson/Getty

It is difficult to separate Vargas Llosa's politics from his fiction writing—the attentive reader will divine much about his worldview from his novels. But one needn't read tea leaves because he is an unapologetically political figure. In 1990, Vargas Llosa embarked on a brief, ambitious, and ill-fated political career, running for president of Peru, an election he lost to the corrupt and thuggish Alberto Fujimori. These day he engages the political world with tub-thumping opinion columns in the Spanish daily El Pais.

Back in May, I sat down with Vargas Llosa at Oslo's Grand Hotel after he delivered a coruscating speech to the Oslo Freedom Forum on "literature, freedom, and power." He speaks in heavily-accented English, but fluidly and lyrically, with both force and deliberation. He is thoughtful on topical political matters ("The idea of Europe is a great idea; it deserves to succeed…a counterpoint to the monsters; the United States and now China") but expansive and polemical when discussing the intersection of politics and literature.

The following is an edited and slightly condensed transcript of our conversation.

You said in your Oslo Freedom Forum lecture that "good literature is always subversive." It reminded me of Orwell's essay "The Prevention of Literature," where he attacked those writers in thrall to Soviet communism.

You don’t perceive the subversiveness of literature when you live in a free society. When you live in a free society you have the feeling that literature is just entertainment. But when democracy disappears, when a totalitarian regime replaces democracy, you feel immediately how literature becomes a very important vehicle to say what you cannot say otherwise. And it’s an instrument to resist what you are facing. Authors are sometimes not aware of what they are accomplishing in an authoritarian society. Literature is a living demonstration that things are not going well in an authoritarian society.

But this isn't an advocation of didactic fiction.

No, not at all. You can make experimental literature and have this subversive effect. And that is the reason why all dictatorships are so suspicious of literature. Otherwise, they would let literature flourish. No, they are always very worried; they want to control it, they establish censorship. On this, there is no exception. Fascist or communist, it is exactly the same. Control literature because there is some kind of danger there. And I think there is some kind of danger, even if it is not immediately identifiable. 

What about the middle way between authoritarianism and dictatorship? I know you have written about Hugo Chavez, for instance, and one can get Mario Vargas Llosa's books in Caracas.

Oh, but with great difficulty. It is because in Caracas you still have a margin of freedom. But in Cuba—ask that Cuban journalist that is here [at the Oslo Freedom Forum]. He was telling me the way in which I am read in Cuba. It's fantastic, you know? There are lists of people who want to read a certain book. Some times they are rented, sometimes it's like a library, from individuals. [Dissident writer] Yoani Sanchez told me that she met her husband because she discovered that he had a novel of mine, The War of the End of the World. So she called him and said, “Is it true that you have a novel by Vargas Llosa?" He said, "Yes, but there is a list. But we can meet." And they got married. I saw her recently and I said, "Is this story true?" She said, "Of course it is true. That's why I am interested in what you are writing now. My sentimental future depends on it.”

In open societies you have the impression that you are just enjoying literature, that it won’t have any affect on your life. But literature always has an affect on life, even if it’s not so visible. But when you have a dictatorship, this is so immediately visible. Literature becomes an instrument to resist, to communicate things. And this is so in right-wing dictatorships and in left-wing dictatorships. It becomes a non-conformist activity, reading becomes a risk. It’s very, very important to keep alive this thing that can’t be controlled, because literature can never be totally controlled. Television can. Cinema can.

Why have so many novelists been swayed by dictatorship? From Gabriel Garcia Marquez to, say, the reaction of many French intellectuals to Solzhenitsyn.

You remember what Camus wrote, that a very intelligent man in some areas can be stupid in others. In politics, intellectuals have been very stupid in many, many cases. They don't like mediocrity. And democracy is an indication of mediocrity; democracy is to accept that perfection doesn't exist in political reality. Everybody must make concessions in order to coexist peacefully and the result of this is mediocrity. But this mediocrity, history has demonstrated, is the most peaceful way to progress, prosperity, and to reduce violence. And intellectuals are much more prone to utopias.

In politics, intellectuals have been very stupid in many, many cases. They don't like mediocrity.

After the collapse of communism, what is the utopian instinct amongst intellectuals and writers now?

There is none. That is why they are so desperate and confused. You remember Foucault—who was one of the best thinkers of his generation—he supported Ayatollah Khomeini! He was so disappointed with communism that he decided that the Khomeini utopia was the right one! That gives you, I think, a very vivid example of the way in which some intellectuals detest democracy.

In your case, I have seen more references to your politics—classical liberalism—than I have for many other novelists.

But the reason is because I am an exception. There are so few writers and intellectuals who are classical liberals without any kind of shame [about their politics].

Borges didn't get the Nobel Prize because of his support for Pinochet. Were your politics an issue when you won the Literature Prize?

Borges unfortunately did wrong things. He accepted the invitation to be decorated by Pinochet, which was a very big mistake. He did it not to make a kind of solidarity, a gesture for the dictatorship; he did it because he despised politics so much that he was prepared to….[trails off]. But I think it was a very, very bad mistake. He was very courageous during the Second World War when Argentina was in favor of fascism. He was a deep defender of the Allies.

He detested Peronism in such a way that he became so infatuated with the military, which I think was also wrong. But he wasn't a fascist. He was a conservative. But I don't think his work is contaminated by these attitudes.

Should it affect how we read his books, in the way it does with [Norwegian Nobel laureate and Nazi sympathizer] Knut Hamsun or Ezra Pound?

Oh no, not at all. The literature of Borges is great literature that overcomes all types of political prejudices. He is one of the greatest writers of our times, one of the most original. And from the point of view of language, he has changed the Spanish literary language in the way that only writers like Cervantes have. It's extraordinary because it's a language in which emotions, sensations were much more important than ideas. For a long time, there was no writer in the Spanish-speaking world for whom ideas became as important as in Borges's writing. He was an exception to a very strong tradition—precision, rationality. All this is new.

What are you working on now?

I finished a novel, El héroe discrete, that will be published in September in Spanish. It's a novel set in contemporary Peru. It's about the changes in Peru over the last ten years which are very, very important. A new middle class. All the new, successful entrepreneurs in Peru come from very poor, poor families—even peasant families. This is the background of the novel.

Are you glad you didn't win the Peruvian presidency?

Now I am glad. I wasn't when I lost. But I am very lucky. I wouldn't have survived [had I won]. Certainly not. But it was a very interesting experience. It was pedagogical. I discovered how difficult it was to be honest and coherent in politics.

Parti KeADILan Rakyat, Gopeng * 务边人民公正党

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Parti KeADILan Rakyat, Gopeng * 务边人民公正党


Posted: 22 Oct 2013 11:32 PM PDT

(金马伦23日讯)连日大雨导致国能蓄水池开闸泄洪,引发金马伦巴登威利(Bertam Valley)新村泥洪来袭,一半以上面积遭淹没,目前证实三人死亡一人失踪! 人民公正党中央理事郑立慷今早接获消息后,立即赶往灾区慰问灾黎,同时向当局了解灾难肇因。 根据现场观察,郑立慷发现整个新村一片狼藉。以水印的位置看来,整个新村的平均水位高达3尺,一些地方的水位甚至高达4尺。当地居民向他透露,国能于今早凌晨12时左右开启蓄水池闸门,泥洪以骇人的声势冲击巴登威利,巴登威利华小以及附近的民居和轿车无一幸免。 也是霹雳州迪遮区州议员的他表示,初步怀疑国能在开闸泄洪前,没有妥善通知及疏散群众,造成多名村民和农民未及离开,造成人命和财物的损失。 "由于事发突然,当地居民来不及疏散,因此不排除伤亡人数还可能会增加。政府应该立刻设立一个独立调查委员会调查这件事,并给人民一个交待。"    

Kenapa kerajaan tidak wajar naikkan harga minyak? – Chang Lih Kang

Posted: 22 Oct 2013 09:57 PM PDT

Bersembunyi di belakang topeng "konsolidasi fiskal", "penyelarasan subsidi", "rasionalisasi subsidi" dan terma lain, kerajaan Barisan Nasional (BN) menaikkan harga petrol RON95 dan diesel sebanyak 20 sen, iaitu kira-kira 11% daripada harga asal. Antara alasan pentadbiran Najib Tun Razak adalah pengurangan subsidi akan mengukuhkan asas ekonomi negara, memperbetulkan sistem subsidi sekarang yang tidak berkesan, dan menjimat […]


Posted: 22 Oct 2013 07:40 PM PDT

(怡保3日讯)针对霹雳州务大臣赞比里近期宣布成立一个由朝野议员组成的公共交通工作队以制定州内公共交通政策,新邦波赖州议员陈家兴表示赞同并欢迎有关举措。他表示,霹雳州的公共交通使用率目前仅达20%,同时现有的各项公共交通系统和服务均未臻完善,因此迫切需要落实具长远规划和针对性的改革计划。他冀州政府尽快宣布该工作队成员名单,并在最短的时间内召开会议开展工作。 政府的积极度和参与度 陈家兴也是人民公正党霹雳州副秘书,目前受该党委任负责监督州议会公共交通、旅游和青年体育相关事务。他表示,政府的积极度和参与度对于公共交通发展的成败起着决定性的作用。他举例,倘若公共交通的规划和运作全交由私人界主导,利润将成为业者主要的考量,导致回报率不高的路线和该区公众的利益被忽略,无法体现公共交通作为公共服务的性质。因此,政府对于公共交通发展的财政支持及规划与管理模式的参与是绝对不可或缺的。 建议致力提升公共巴士服务 陈家兴认为,制订一套完善公共系统必须有全盘的规划,不能急就章或者头痛医头,脚痛医脚。因此,配合人口和面积考量,他建议政府将公共巴士服务锁定为霹雳州公共交通改革的重点,致力提升巴士衔接度、覆盖率以及服务素质。他指出,根据《2020怡保发展大蓝图》,怡保市长扬言将在2020年之前筹建轻快铁服务以舒缓交通阻塞问题。 "事实上,怡保的人口及使用量根本不足以承担轻快铁营运开销,州政府与市政府也无法负荷兴建轻快铁的庞大开支。因此,我们必须打破对于巨型计划的迷思,务实地配合需求和条件来发展本州的公共交通系统。相较于耗资巨款大兴土木筹建轻快铁,增加巴士数量和路线实为更可行和有效的方案"。陈氏日前是在新邦波赖派发时事传单并与选民交流后发表文告。 陈家兴建议州政府在面积总计643平方公里的怡保近打谷展开巴士服务提升实验计划。首先,圈定人流密集的地区如公共机构和商业中心,接着展开调查以规划主要巴士路线,同时配合附近地区社区路线。当局也应该在上下班时段增加巴士班次,由路线、班次、服务资讯、准时、服务水平等方面着手建立公众信心,逐步提高公共交通使用率。

Kar Hing: Fokus Memperbaiki Perkhidmatan Bas Awam

Posted: 22 Oct 2013 07:39 PM PDT

ADUN Simpang Pulai, YB Tan Kar Hing mengalu-alukan pengumuman Jawatankuasa Khas Pengangkutan Awam kerajaan negeri Perak oleh Menteri Besar Perak, Dato Seri Zambry Kadir. Menurut beliau, suatu platform yang membolehkan perkongsian idea antara wakil-wakil rakyat dari latar belakang yang berbeza akan membantu memperbaiki sistem pengangkutan awam yang sedia ada. Memandangkan penggunaan sistem pengangkutan awam rakyat […]


Posted: 22 Oct 2013 07:38 PM PDT

(怡保9日讯)务边国会议员李文材医生吁请昆仑喇叭新村和安邦新村村民积极关注当地民选村长选举,并且当仁不让踊跃参选以强化地方民主精神。上述两个新村定于本星期日(13日)同步举行村长选举提名日;符合资格的村民则将在20日(星期日)以手中一票选出心目中的村长。 李文材表示,推动恢复地方议会选举、争取地方民主将保障人民权益,同时符合还政于民的理念。人民公正党在务边国会选区五个新村自大选后紧锣密鼓地筹备新村村长选举。当中,拉湾古打、新邦波赖及新咖啡山已先后顺利完成选举,民选村长也成立村委会积极为村民服务。 "务边区新村民选村长选举的例子证明,村民一人一票投选地方代表的方法不仅可行且有效提升人民的醒觉意识。我促请霹雳州所有新村村民拒绝继续接受委任村长的作法,相反地应该一致争取恢复民主第三票" 李文材是在日前于昆仑喇叭新村进行村长选举宣传活动后发表文告。活动出席者包括新邦波赖州议员陈家兴、昆仑喇叭现任民选村长丁春荣等等。根据有关选举细则,任何届满十八岁的马来西亚公民均可参与竞选。因此,李文材诚邀两地村民秉持服务人民,回馈社区的热诚踊跃参选,以实际行动支持恢复地方民主。 昆仑喇叭与安邦新村民选村长选举详情如下: 1. 提名日 日期:13-10-2013(星期日) 时间:早上9点至11点 地点:昆仑喇叭福德祠篮球场 & 安邦互助社礼堂 2. 投票日 日期:20-10-2013(星期日) 时间:早上9点至12点 地点:昆仑喇叭福德祠篮球场 & 安邦互助社礼堂 3. 提名表格索取 亲临务边国州议员怡保卫星市服务中心或联络黄小姐(012-5322152)、潘先生(018-5738372)


Posted: 22 Oct 2013 07:36 PM PDT

(怡保21日讯)新邦波赖区州议员陈家兴敦促州政府着手解决霹雳繁荣安定总站自启用以来所引发的问题。他认为州政府必须在怡保市内圈定合适地点以作为接驳巴士站,并着手改善接驳巴士服务素质,此方案相信能够方便市内乘客到达该终站,同时也能够解决部分长巴业者继续在怡保市内继续载客的问题。 陈家兴也是人民公正党负责监督公共交通事务的议员。他表示,该终站自今年7月26日启用至今,州政府及陆路公共交通委员会仍然尚未全面解决业者及乘客的问题,该站作为霹雳衔接各州的长巴总站,自工程开启至今仍然没有道出全盘的接驳系统。 "这显示当局在策划阶段同样的只是沉醉于『巨型发展计划』的口号,最后计划的落实无法改善人民的生活素质,相反地在引起民怨后才姗姗来迟的觅寻解套方案。"陈家兴是在日前走访选区,接获市民申诉该总站问题后发表文告这么表示。 陈家兴指出目前美丹杰车站充作为霹雳运通公交公司(Perak Transit)的接驳巴士站,他认为州政府必须认真探讨地点作为接驳站的合适性,同时必须配合该私人公司增加接驳巴士的班次和路线,以及改善服务素质恢复人民对于公交的信心。 "陆路公交委员会及州政府一天没有解决方案,目前总站的60个业者、每天300辆长巴以及及约3000乘客就必须继续受尽委屈,为什么当局至今依然没有对策?" 他认为,目前陆路公共交通委员会没有严厉执法,此举对其他在总站内营业的业者不公平,同时让部分乘客混淆长巴的总站究竟是在何处,另外缺乏接驳巴士也提高了乘客每日开销的负担。


Posted: 21 Oct 2013 11:40 PM PDT

(务边22日讯)人民公正党中央理事郑立慷表示,针对马华特大议决接受上议员、其他政府职位以及州级官职委任,显示马华根本摆脱不了政治权力的诱惑。 他指出,马华在大选前不惜以"不入阁与不当官"作为威胁,以博取华裔选民的支持;505大选成绩显示大部分选民彻底否决马华,最终苦肉计宣告失败。 "马华是次特大,纯粹为了当初不入阁、不当官的决定解套,显示马华根本是一个毫无诚信可言的政党。" 也是迪遮区州议员的他,昨日与近打花园年轻选民交流后,发表文告如此表示。 他表示,该党特大以一分为三撤销不入阁的提案根本是巧立名目,企图以取巧的伎俩让马华可以"名正言顺"地重获官职的分配。 "当初马华以一万多个大小官职威胁华社;事败后不到半年,不接受的官职竟然从一万多个"缩水"到寥寥数个内阁职位,是名副其实的政治老千!" 他指出,当初马华召开特大通过不入阁不当官的议案,如今又以特大为自己解套,证明马华是一个没有立场和原则的政党。 郑氏说,马华内斗不断,再加上国家课题表现不力,根本无法代表人民心声,更甭说为民服务。 他认为,这次马华特大又再次擦亮选民雪亮的眼睛,让人民更加确定他们在大选时所作出的正确选择。他因此呼吁马华党员进行退党运动,为了尊严和下一代的着想,让马华走入历史。


Posted: 20 Oct 2013 11:40 PM PDT

  郑立慷促巫统停止炒作种族议题 (务边21日讯)人民公正党中央理事郑立慷促巫统领导停止炒作种族议题,企图以廉价方式为自己党选拉票而诋毁他族尊严,破坏种族之间的和谐。 他指出,每届巫统党选都会有候选人以极端的种族言论,将自己打造为捍卫马来人权益的民族英雄,以争取党基层的选票。 他举例,续以第一高票蝉联巫统副主席兼内政部长阿末扎希发表"大多数盗窃案和枪击案受害者都是马来人,华人和印度人涉及非法活动"言论后;另一落选副主席职位的候选人莫哈末阿里,早前在巫统党选期间,指责华人靠非法生意起家,包括经营非法赌博场所、按摩院和借贷活动。 "巫统党选期间,右翼极端分子抬头,不断发表伤害种族和宗教和谐的言论,忘记先贤的建国根本。"也是迪遮区州议员的郑立慷,日前在哈芝节出席其选区常年宰牲活动后,发表文告如此表示。 他说,首相纳吉为了巫统党选需要,对这些极端言论听而不闻,完全失去国家领导人应有的气节。 他表示,种族和谐不该是季节性口号,巫统领导人的种族主义言论,反而更扩大种族之间的分歧。 纳吉身为巫统最高领袖,应该制止任何伤害种族和谐的言论,而炒作种族议题的领导者应该被严厉谴责。


Posted: 22 Sep 2013 07:44 PM PDT

新邦波赖新村村委会谨订于下星期一(16日)举办中秋嘉年晚会。该活动将于当晚七点开始,集合地点为新村巴刹对面观世堂贸易。该新村村长张水荣诚邀公众踊跃出席,各族齐聚一堂共庆传统节日。 张水荣指出,中秋嘉年晚会节目重头戏包括双狮迎中秋和提灯游行。主办当局当晚将免费派送灯笼予出席者,并且带队于新村提灯笼游行。届时,该区代议士即务边国会议员李文材医生及新邦波赖区州议员陈家兴也将受邀出席,与民众共同迎接中秋佳节。 上述活动主旨在于发扬华裔传统文化并且加强社区成员之间的交流和联系。另外,主办当局特意选择在马来西亚成立五十周年纪念日当天举办中秋庆祝活动,希望籍此促进友族同胞对于中华文化的了解,开创多元和开明的社会。 "我谨代表村委会感谢新邦波赖村民对于中秋嘉年晚会所给予的支持和经费赞助。这也是村委会自成立以来首次举办的社区活动,希望村民能够继续积极参与村委会所推动的工作,打造有活力的社区文化" 张水荣日前是在主持村委会会议后联同李文材医生推介上述庆祝活动。其他出席村委会成员包括张利华、谢锦富、郑振邦、钟宝仔等等。任何有关上述活动询问,欢迎致电张水荣(016-5432930)。


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